Monday, December 09, 2013

Tiny Nouri just gets smaller

Iraq's Independent High Electoral Commission issued the following release last week:


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        The Board of Commissioners (BoC) Member, Ms. Gulshan Kamal called on all international and local observation networks wishing to monitor the elections to submit their applications to register and accredit as  observers teams.

        Ms. Kamal said that all non governmental organizations (NGOs), including (organizations, networks and associations), as well as registered and licensed academic unions under the Iraqi law would be concerned to register and accredit at the IHEC as observes teams.

       She urged all observers to be neutral and non- partisan and enjoy objectivity and accuracy in reporting to add more credibility and transparency to the elections.


      The International and local monitoring teams participated extensively in the previous electoral processes which took place in Iraq. 


Tomorrow is the deadline for updating voter registration ahead of the (planned) April 30th parliamentary elections.  These will be the first parliamentary elections since 2010.  Sunni participation is expected to be down according to media outlets.

Why?

Iraqi outlets can tell you, western ones play dumb.

In 2010, Sunnis turned out in huge numbers compared to their Shi'ite counterparts (Kurdish participation was similar to 2005's parliamentary elections).  Sunnis largely backed Iraqiya -- a non-sectarian slate, headed by Ayad Allawi.  (Shi'ites and others also voted for Iraqiya.)  It was a move towards a national identity and there was much excitement.

Until Nouri refused to step down as prime minister (his State of Law came in second to Iraqiya) and US President Barack Obama ordered that Nouri would remain prime minister and had US official in Iraq broker the extra-constitutional contract (The Erbil Agreement) that gave Nouri a second term.

Having had their votes dismissed, Sunnis are thought to be less likely to vote this go round.  (Shi'ite voting was down in 2010 due to a number of reasons including a rejection of leaders who had only offered sectarianism.)

It would be understandable for Sunnis to be disenchanted with a voting process that the US government can nullify at will; however, the media seems to be missing growing outrage expressed in Arabic social media by Sunnis.   An attitude's been emerging since Thursday that they will not be silenced or run from the polls and that they'd like to see their candidates win and force the White House to try to strip them of their votes again thereby exposing the continuing occupation.

If this continues, various political leaders -- Shi'ite and Sunnis -- won't have to keep urging participation because this will be a drive, an event, all its own.

Let's move to the topic of Nelson Mandela who passed away Thursday.  The Prime Minister of the KRG, Nechirvan Barzani, issued the following statement on Friday:




Today the world lost a great political leader who valued democracy and peace more than his own lost life in prison.
It is with the greatest sorrow we learned of the passing of Nelson Mandela, a man who personified the struggle for human dignity, equality and sense of justice.
Although he did not have a chance to visit Kurdistan, he felt strongly for the Kurdish cause and made it clear on several occasions that our struggle to survive and achieve justice was a universal call.
We also felt that we had many things in common with Mandela’s vision for his country. We admired his call for forgiveness, tolerance, non-violent political solutions, and truth and reconciliation.
For us, Mandela was a great reminder that years of imprisonment and suffering can be turned into tremendous strength for the greater good of the society, human dignity and a new source of inspiration.
The most important lesson I personally learned from Mandela’s life was to recognize past injustice and focus on future improvement of human conditions.
Mandela taught us that we can transform ourselves and our societies by doing what we humanly can to avoid revenge. By doing so he changed his his own country and most political leaders’ expectations. He taught the entire world that humility combined with determination can change the course of history in a constructive way.
Although we will be missing a great unifier, Mandela's words and deeds will remain with us for generations in the human struggle to provide a better prospect for humanity.

  We will miss a great advocate of democracy, tolerance and non-violence.

The KRG is the Kurdistan Regional Government -- three semi-autonomous provinces in northern Iraq.
Al Mada reports today on KRG President Massoud Barzani's remarks on Mandela.  Barzani hailed him as a significant figure in history who was a symbol of the struggle for justice, equality and human dignity.  He stated that Nelson Mandela taught everyone that we have the power to change both our society and ourselves.

Despite being prime minister of Iraq, Nouri al-Maliki has still NOT issued a statement or remark upon Nelson Mandela's passing leading to multiple accusations in Arabic social media of racism on Nouri's part and tying that to the very poor treatment of Black Iraqis in the country today.

To be clear, his office is issuing statements every day, Nouri just doesn't seem to feel the need to note the passing of Nelson Mandela. His silence speaks volumes.

And he wonders why he looks so small and tiny, so very insignificant on the world stage?

Maybe spending $150 billion in US dollars to build stadiums across Iraq when you still haven't provided potable water (safe drinking water) or a working sewage system goes a long way towards explaining why you look so small?

Maybe it's not fair to complain?  Those stadiums will come in handy as the crumbling infrastructure means heavy rains turn into standing water and then flood waters.  When that happens, Iraqis won't have to run to public schools to seek shelter, they can go the stadiums.


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At least 309 killed in Iraq so far this month

The reported violence kicked off today with, as NINA reported, an attempt to storm Anbar Province's Karmeh police station.  The assault left 1 police officer dead and another injured.

NINA also notes a Baquba car bombing claimed 4 lives and left ten more injured, a Haditha roadside bombing claimed the life of 1 Iraqi soldier and left two more injured,  and 2 police officers shot dead in Mosul. Sameer N. Yacoub (AP) reports a Burhiz bombing which claimed 12 lives and left twenty-four injured.  Reuters adds the bombing was near a cafe frequented by Sahwa and quotes bombing victim Ahmed Saied stating,  "I opened my eyes minutes later and dust covered the place.  Many cars were burning and shrapnel was everywhere.  While police were evacuating me, I saw many killed and wounded people at the scene."  BBC News adds, "A roadside bomb exploded near a market in Baghdad's eastern Besmaya district, killing at least two people, officials said.  In a village just north of Baghdad, a car bomb killed three police officers and wounded nine others."

That's 25 reported deaths and 46 reported injured.

On the above reported violence, the Reuters story?  Sylvia Westall and Alistair Lyon were among the journalists responsible.  There's also "a Reuters reporter in Baquba" -- throughout the illegal war, journalists have been at risk -- especially Iraqi journalists.  It's why one of the finest reporters to cover Iraq was Sahar Issa.  The Iraqi female worked for McClatchy Newspapers for many years (until McClatchy lost interest in Iraq) and Sahar Issa is her work name, not her real name.  Like many other Iraqi correspondents, she couldn't use her real name due to safety concerns (for herself, her children, her whole family).

Things are getting worse with more harassment of Iraqi journalists by Nouri's forces.  Let's again note  Aswat al-Iraq November 30th report:


Press Freedoms Observatory reported that the Iraqi police are "pressing" journalists to "sign written pledges not to practice their field work", as well as detaining them for hours in Najaf and Missan cities. 
 Baghdadiya correspondent in Najaf Rasha al-Abidi said to the Observatory that she "suffered reactions by the people when covering the latest floods in the city". 
 She added that one of police officers demanded her to sign a written pledge not to work in journalism "for good" in order to release her, but she refused till some personalities interfered for her release, while her camera was kept with the security force.   

Reporting today on yesterday's violence, Rudaw notes:

 In a different incident, a hand grenade was hurled into the home of Kawez Parwez, a Kurdish journalist in Kirkuk working for Zagros TV, which belongs to the Kurdistan Democratic Party in Kirkuk. 
 "I was sitting at home when it happened and I was slightly hurt by smashed glass from a window,” Parwez told Rudaw by telephone. "I don't have any personal feud or social issues with anyone," he added. 
The attacks came only days after the murder of Kurdish journalist Kawa Garmiyani, the 32-year-old editor-in-chief of Rayalla magazine, who was shot dead in the town of Kalar in Iraqi Kurdistan on Thursday.


On yesterday's violence, Iraq Body Count notes 58 violent deaths yesterday and that Sunday's violence brought the number of violent deaths for the month so far to 284.  Adding the 25 so far today, there have been 309 violent deaths for the month so far -- and it's not even the half-way mark.


Tuning to the US, for the 'crime' of issuing a press release,  US political prisoner Lynne Stewart,   was eventually tossed in prison.  The 'crime' happened on Attorney General Janet Reno's watch.  Reno has her detractors who think she was far too tough as Attorney General.  She also has her supporters who see her as a moderate.  No one saw her as 'soft.'  Reno had her Justice Department review what happened.  There was no talk of a trial because there was no crime.  No law was broken.  The Justice Department imposes guidelines -- not written by Congress, so not laws -- on attorneys.  Lynne was made to review the guidelines and told not to break it again.  That was her 'punishment' under Janet Reno.  Bully Boy Bush comes into office and the already decided incident becomes a way for Attorney General John Ashcroft to try to build a name for himself. He goes on David Letterman's show to announce, after 9-11, that they're prosecuting Lynne for terrorism.

Eventually tossed in prison?  Even Bully Boy Bush allowed Lynne to remain out on appeal.  It's only when Barack Obama becomes president that Lynne gets tossed in prison.  It's only under Barack that the US Justice Depart disputes the judge's sentence and demands a harsher one (under the original sentence Lynne would be out now).  Lynne's cancer has returned.

She needs to be home with her family.  Her time is limited and it needs to be spent with her loved ones.  Lynne's a threat to no one -- not today, not ten years ago.  She's a 74-year-old grandmother who has dedicated her life to being there for people who would otherwise have no defenders.  Even now in prison, she shows compassion towards those who have had none for her.  Barack Obama needs to order her immediate release.  If he fails to do so, then it should be a permanent stain on his record.



“HELP BRING ME HOME FOR THE HOLIDAYS” a life and death appeal from renowned people’s attorney Lynne Stewart.
“I need to ask once again for your assistance in forcing the Bureau of Prisons to grant my Compassionate Release. They have been stonewalling since August and my life expectancy, as per my cancer doctor, is down to 12 months. They know that I am fully qualified and that over 40,000 people have signed on to force them to do the right thing, which is to let me go home to my family and to receive advanced care in New York City.
“Yet they refuse to act. While this is entirely within the range of their politics and their cruelty to hold political prisoners until we have days to live before releasing us – witness Herman Wallace of Angola and Marilyn Buck – we are fighting not to permit this and call for a BIG push.”

 Lynne Stewart, FMC Carswell

Take Action between now and the New Year. 
Telephone and send emails or other messages to Federal Bureau of Prisons Director Charles E. Samuels, Jr. and Attorney General Eric Holder.
CHARLES E. SAMUELS, Jr., Director Federal Bureau of Prisons
(202) 307-3250 or 3062; info@bop.gov

 ATTORNEY GENERAL ERIC HOLDER, U.S. Department of Justice
(202) 353-1555; AskDOJ@usdoj.gov
Contact U.S. Embassies and Consulates in nations throughout the world
LET US CREATE A TIDAL WAVE OF EFFORT INTERNATIONALLY. Together, we can prevent the bureaucratic murder of Lynne Stewart.

 Notes:

 In a new 237-page report entitled “A Living Death,” the American Civil Liberties Union documents unconstitutional practices permeating federal and state prisons in the United States.
Focused on life imprisonment without parole for minor offenses, the ACLU details conditions of 3,278 individual prisoners whose denial of release is deemed “a flagrant violation of the Eighth Amendment ban on cruel and unusual punishment” occurring on an increasing scale.
The ACLU labels the deliberate stonewalling as “willful,” a touchstone of the Federal Bureau of Prisons and the Department of Justice flagrant violation of the Eighth Amendment ban on cruel and unusual punishment.
These conclusions corroborate the findings of Human Rights Watch in 2012: “The Answer is ‘No’: Too Little Compassionate Release in U.S. Prisons.”
The Report is definitive in exposing arbitrary and illegal conduct that infuses every facet of the treatment accorded Lynne Stewart.
“…the Bureau has usurped the role of the courts. In fact, it is fair to say the jailers are acting as judges. Congress intended the sentencing judge, not the BOP to determine whether a prisoner should receive a sentence reduction.”
Lynne Stewart’s medical findings show less than twelve months to live as stipulated by her oncologist at FMC Carswell.

The Federal Bureau Prisons has failed to file the legally required motion declaring solely that the matter is “with the Department of Justice.” 



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Sunday, December 08, 2013

Hejira

Another day, another day of violence in Iraq.

Nouri al-Maliki has to be the stupidest thug ever put in power.  In the midst of the increase in the non-stop violence, he can't stop antagonizing the Sunnis. National Iraqi News Agency reports, "A joint force of police and federal police raided on Sunday 9, Dec the house Imam and preacher of the sit-in Fallujah, Sheikh Fakher al-Tai downtown Fallujah."  He wasn't arrested -- but only apparently because he wasn't home.  His not being home didn't mean they conducted themselves professionally.  Iraqi Spring MC reports that the SWAT forces busted up the house and smashed the furniture -- just like the real thugs they are.

NINA reports 2 Kirkuk homes -- belonging to security forces -- were bombed, a steel bridge in Ramadi was also blown up, a Baghdad bombing claimed 1 life and left nine more people injured, a Tikrit roadside bombing injured one police officer, a west Baghdad bombing left six people injured, 1 suicide bomber detonated in Ramadi, 1 suicide bomber was shot dead in Baghdad, a Mosul roadside bombing left two people injured, 2 police officers were shot dead in Mosul, "the media official of the Islamic Supreme Council" was shot dead in Baquba, a Baquba roadside bombing claimed 1 life and left three more people injured, 1 police officer was shot dead in Mosul and his brother kidnapped, a southwestern Baghdad bombing claimed 5 lives and eighteen more people injured, an eastern Baghdad bombing left 3 people dead and sixteen more injured, a Baghdad car bombing left 1 person dead and sixteen more injured.

Mohammed Tawfeeq (CNN) counts at least a dozen bombs in Baghdad and at least 40 dead from them and over one-hundred-and-sixty injured.

Meanwhile, look, it's Jason being ditzy.  There's something really pathetic about Jason Ditz.  It's as though every other week he's telling us, "Trust Judith Miller!"  It's really past time that Antiwar.com stopped their nonsense -- echoing the corporate media's nonsense -- of 'al Qaeda in Iraq!'  All the violence is not linked to them or to groups adjacent to them.  Stop being so damn stupid.  Even all violence targeting only Shi'ites cannot be traced directly back to al Qaeda in Iraq.  Rita Katz is a venereal disease corrupting everyone's understanding of Iraq.

Jason needs to grasp when he gets in bed with the Washington Post, he's getting in bed with all their other partners including Rita Katz.

Outside of violence, the days biggest news?  Ahmed Chalabi tells All Iraq News that KRG President Massoud Barzani would make a great president for Iraq.






I'm traveling in some vehicle
I'm sitting in some cafe
A defector from the petty wars
That shell shock love away
-- "Hejira," written by Joni Mitchell, first appears on her album of the same name

 The number of US service members the Dept of Defense states died in the Iraq War is [PDF format warning] 4489.


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Feminist Majority Foundation notes Nelson Mandela's passing

Feminist Majority Foundation issued the following on Nelson Mandela's passing.

Contact: Megan Perry
(703) 522-2214
mperry@feminist.org
Feminist Majority Foundation Celebrates Nelson Mandela's Legacy
WASHINGTON -- Feminist Majority Foundation today remembers the legacy of former South African President Nelson Mandela and celebrates his life-long commitment to peace and equality.
"Mandela remains an inspiration for all those fighting for liberty, equality and freedom, including feminist activists," said FMF President Eleanor Smeal. "I will always be proud that, as the President of NOW, I was arrested with other civil rights leaders at the South African Embassy protesting apartheid. And I am proud of the role feminists played in eliminating the scourge of apartheid in South Africa."
Mandela's courage, example and determination inspired multiple generations of activists fighting for social and economic justice. His work and impact is visible today and will continue through the efforts of social justice advocates around the world.
###

1600 Wilson Boulevard, Suite 801, Arlington, VA, 22209 | 703.522.2214 | webmaster@feminist.org




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Nelson Mandela (1918 - 2013)

Pru notes this from Great Britain's Socialist Worker:





Nelson Mandela 1918-2013

by Charlie Kimber

Download article as PDF leaflet (532kb)

Nelson Mandela was a giant in the fight against racism—and the world’s most famous prisoner. He was a symbol of defiance against injustice that inspired a great movement of resistance and solidarity.
His life and the reality of South Africa today also raise real questions about how we win real change.
Mandela’s courageous opposition to South Africa’s vile apartheid regime in the 1950s and 1960s brought him to prominence and a leading position in the African National Congress (ANC). This made him the target for brutal state repression.


Eventually, in 1964, he was sentenced to life imprisonment. He stayed incarcerated in apartheid jails until that electric day, 11 February 1990, when he walked out of Victor-Verster prison in Paarl, near Cape Town, as millions watched on television.


For the first 18 years in jail he was condemned to hard labour in a lime quarry. He was allowed to write and receive one letter every six months and a visitor once a year—for 30 minutes.


His family suffered too. His wife Winnie faced constant banning orders, which severely restricted where she could live and work. She could not speak to more than one person at a time, and was eventually subjected to house arrest. She constantly faced the brutality and terror tactics of the police.
Nelson Mandela became the pre-eminent symbol of the fight against apartheid. Across the world the slogan “Free Nelson Mandela” was a campaigning demand involving millions.


People who might otherwise know little of international politics became very clear on apartheid. They understood that black people were the vast majority of the population in South Africa. And they knew apartheid was a system of racial discrimination that had stripped black people of all their rights and denied them the vote.


Mandela fought it and was imprisoned for fighting it. And that’s why we wanted him out.
Not everyone saw it like that. The Federation of Conservative Students wore “Hang Nelson Mandela” badges. And Margaret Thatcher described the ANC as a “typical terrorist organisation”.
The US, whose CIA probably provided the information to enable Mandela’s arrest, kept him on a terrorist list, banning his from travel to the US—until 2008.


These rulers gave comfort and backing to the highly profitable apartheid governments. The suffering of black people counted not a feather’s weight in the balance. When you read the tributes from newspapers and “world leaders” to Mandela, remember that they or their political forebears once wanted him crushed.


Mandela’s life reflected the fortunes of the ANC. He was born in 1918 at a time when white rule, based on British colonialism and Dutch settlement, was becoming increasingly established. Non-whites were no longer allowed to sit in parliament. And black people could own land in just ten percent of the country.


The ANC was a weak and conservative lobbying organisation, begging colonialists for concessions.
Mandela was one of a small layer of black people who had the chance of an education. He did well enough to enter university—although of course it was greatly inferior to the ones that white students attended.


Here he was part of a new layer of young people who were radicalising the ANC in a limited but real way.


Many black people had fought fascism in the Second World War, supposedly in the name of freedom. So they were not happy to return to a South Africa that was preparing to implement the apartheid system of much stricter racial segregation.


This would provide labour for the mines and factories by taking away any means of survival except wage labour. It would also create “homelands” where black workers could be produced and maintained at no cost to capital and the state.


Apartheid was about profit. But it also created a black working class which one day, long in the future, would destroy it.


The 1946 miners’ strike was a lesson for young people like Mandela. There was a new mood building, and the ANC had to do more than petition.


He took part in a series of mass campaigns of defiance in the 1950s that propelled him to national status in the ANC.


Then came the Sharpeville massacre of 1960. Police shot into a group of black protesters, killing 69. Black people rose in protest and the state responded by detaining 18,000 people and banning the ANC.


Mandela agreed, reluctantly, that the path of peaceful struggle was blocked. He accepted the task of organising armed actions that would destroy state offices and key industrial installations.


He was soon arrested. As he served five years for a lesser charge he was named in a much bigger trial where he was convicted of sabotage.


He narrowly avoided the hangman’s noose but was sentenced to life imprisonment.


As he entered Robben Island prison, the ANC was being virtually annihilated in many parts of South Africa and forced into neighbouring countries. Throughout the 1960s, as Mandela worked in the searing heat and blinding light of the lime quarry, the apartheid system delivered huge returns for its domestic and international backers.


No boss or government was interested that the money was based on blood and torture. Inside South Africa there was hardly any visible opposition.


Then came the 1970s. Black workers, who were the irreducible necessity for all that apartheid success, began to organise into militant unions.


From 1973 they stated to strike, sometimes won, and established stable organisation.


Then in 1976 the heroic school students of Soweto rose in revolt against the apartheid education system that spent 17 times more on a white child than a black one. Blacks were taught only basic mathematics. They were needed only for brute labour.


The strikes, Soweto and the defeat of the South African army in Angola, gave a huge boost to the movement against apartheid.


The ANC had not led any of it. Most of the young people involved were influenced by Black Consciousness ideas, and the strikers by militant trade unionism.


But in the aftermath of the national rebellion that followed Soweto, the ANC was well placed through its international contacts and its broad appeal to direct the movement. As it grew, attention centred on its brave leader in prison—Mandela.


After 1976 the apartheid state never fully regained control. Wave after wave of strikes and uprisings broke out. And sections of capital became worried that this system was no longer the best way to make money.


In 1982, 100,000 workers joined the first ever openly political strike under apartheid, over the death in custody of a union organiser.

In the same year Mandela was taken from Robben Island to Pollsmoor prison. The state began to put out feelers about talks, and in 1985 an apartheid minister met Mandela in prison.


The government now said Mandela could walk to freedom if he would renounce violence. He refused until the ban was lifted on the ANC and other anti-apartheid organisations, giving a clear path to votes for all.


It would take five more years of mass strikes and urban uprisings, thousands of deaths and the continued bitter suffering of black people until the government cracked.


Unable to stop resistance, and fearing revolution, the apartheid state under new president De Klerk made a bold move while it still had overwhelming military advantage.


It unbanned the ANC, released Mandela and accepted that there would now be fundamental political change. But it hoped to place severe limits on the power of a new black government.


As Mandela walked free, much of the world cheered, laughed and cried with joy. The anti-racists had won—but it was just a beginning.


Talks about dismantling apartheid dragged on as the white regime tried to win at the negotiating table what it had lost in the streets and workplaces.


Mandela, from the ANC’s perspective, walked the tightrope brilliantly, insisting on the need for full black political rights and no white veto but also soothing big business with promises that they would be welcome, and profitable, in the new South Africa.


In April 1993 a member of the white extreme right gunned down Chris Hani, a Communist and one of the ANC’s most popular leaders. South Africa exploded. Only Mandela could calm the storm.


He insisted apartheid must go completely but also headed off a process that could have led to much deeper change.


Big business threw itself behind him. It gambled that he meant his promises about defending profit—and anyway it was much better than revolution.


In 1994 the ANC won the elections and Mandela became president. Standing at the polling stations in a township near Johannesburg in the early morning of election day, I saw the vast queues gather to vote for change, for an end to the filth of apartheid, and for Mandela.


Mandela was not simply admired or respected. He was loved by millions of black people for his warmth, his wisdom, his humanity and his indomitable will.


Once the ANC was in power, people expected swift change. They were to be disappointed. Of course there were some houses built, electricity installed and new schools and clinics.


Above all black people now had political rights and formal equality. There was change—but not nearly enough.


Mandela accepted an International Monetary Fund plan that involved all the usual neoliberal demands.


A tiny minority of black people became fantastically wealthy, the rich whites retained all their economic power—and the vast majority stayed poor.


The Marikana strikes and massacre last August showed workers’ resistance and the continuing brutality of South Africa.


Mandela was never a socialist. Before he was jailed he made clear his vision for South Africa. It was to be a much freer and equal place, but economically it would “open up fresh fields for the development of a prosperous non-European bourgeois class”.


He remained true to that vision. His heroic battle against apartheid did not include a struggle to eliminate the capitalism that spawned apartheid. And it is capitalism that keeps South Africa’s black people poor.


When Mandela stepped down from office in 1999 disillusion had already set in at the lack of change. Mandela was too popular a figure to be blamed by many, but the ANC certainly was.


Mandela spoke out strongly against the Iraq war, against George Bush and Tony Blair’s imperialism and demanded action over Aids.


But today South Africa is the second most unequal country in the world. Two thirds of people live below the poverty line.


Unemployment is officially at 25 percent, but is probably really almost double that. And the strikes and township risings have returned.


In September 1993 Mandela made a remarkable speech to trade unionists. He declared, “How many times has the liberation movement worked together with workers and then at the moment of victory betrayed the workers? There are many examples of that in the world.


“It is only if the workers strengthen their organisation before and after liberation that you can win. If you relax your vigilance you will find that your sacrifices have been in vain.


“You just support the African National Congress only so far as it delivers the goods. If the ANC government does not deliver the goods, you must do to it what you have done to the apartheid regime.”


Once more Mandela had courageously told the truth.


We mourn his passing. We remember his great sacrifice. The struggle goes on.





















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