Saturday, September 19, 2026

Chump bans the press and he also covers up the military death toll

Chump has ramped up his war on The First Amendment.  He's banned MS NOW, POLITICO and CNN from the White House. LE MONDE offers, "Trump's surprise announcement on Friday comes at a time when his approval ratings are at record lows and his Republican Party risks losing control of Congress in November's midterm elections. The war in Iran and rising prices, particularly at the gas pump, are among the factors that have contributed to his sinking political fortunes."  Reporters Committee For a Freedom of the Press issued the following: 


On Friday, President Donald Trump said he is banning CNN, MS NOW, and Politico from the White House for reporting what he called “fake news.” 

“Media Outlets shouldn’t be able to constantly write or report FICTION and LIES when they’re covering the President of the United States, the Trump Administration, or the United States of America,” Trump wrote on Truth Social. “Other Fake News Media Outlets to follow.”

Reporters Committee President Bruce D. Brown made the following statement:

“A ban like this would be flatly unconstitutional. The First Amendment is clear that once the White House invites in some journalists, it can’t ban others because it doesn’t like their reporting. This is textbook viewpoint discrimination and will be quickly struck down by the courts if challenged.

“At a time when the administration is on the defensive in a wide range of court battles with the news media, today’s attack is more than just one more provocation. It makes even plainer what is at the heart of these cases, whether it is the misuse of the FCC against broadcasters or the expulsion of journalists from the Pentagon — that the administration will come after you if it doesn’t like what you report. The president’s words are once again the best evidence of his malignant purpose.”

The Committee to Protect Journalists issued the following:

President Donald Trump’s order to ban news outlets CNN, MS NOW and Politico from White House news coverage violates First Amendment rights and is an alarming escalation of how far this administration will go to control the narrative and silence critical, fact-based, news coverage, said the Committee to Protect Journalists on Friday.

“The government should not be in the business of censorship but rather devoted to protecting the constitutional right to a free press for all Americans,” said CPJ Américas Regional Director José Zamora. “President Trump’s arbitrary banning of CNN, MS NOW and Politico from White House news coverage illustrates that he is neither interested in a free press nor protecting constitutional rights. His administration’s weaponization of government agencies and access to target critical coverage must end, and journalists must be allowed to do their jobs free from retaliation.”

In a Friday Truth Social post, President Trump attacked news coverage of his administration as “fiction and lies,” but he did not specify what coverage he was referring to before announcing the ban, multiple outlets reported.

Immediately after the post, sources told CPJ that there were no signs that White House officials had followed through with the president’s directive.

In a statement posted on X, CNN analyst Brian Stelter posted that a spokesperson for the outlet said they “stand fully behind our White House team and their fair and accurate reporting.” The outlet added, “We have a right under the U.S. Constitution to do that reporting without hindrance or interference from the government. Should the ban which President Trump threatened go ahead, it would be an illegal assault on that fundamental and constitutionally-protected right.”

Last year, President Trump barred The Associated Press and excluded The Wall Street Journal from traveling in the press pool after the outlets refused to change references to the Gulf of Mexico to the Gulf of America. CPJ joined an amicus brief filed by the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press (RCFP) outlining how the Trump administration’s decision violates the First Amendment.

Since taking office for a second time last year, the Trump administration has weaponized agencies such as the Federal Communications Commission and the authority and influence of federal law enforcement to threaten media outlets and target individual journalists with subpoenas over unfavorable news coverage. Such weaponization has included visa rules that unreasonably limit the abilities of foreign journalists and make their reporting from the U.S. dependent on repeated government approval.

CPJ’s email to White House communications director Steven Cheung did not receive an immediate reply.



President Trump’s grabs for power kept falling short, and he appeared ready to turn to a familiar target.

He had relentlessly pressured the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts to affix his name to its facade, only to be blocked by the courts. He had gone to extraordinary lengths to bully the Federal Reserve into lowering interest rates, only to have his handpicked Fed chairman join his colleagues in voting unanimously to raise borrowing costs.

Despite his attempts to talk his way out of it, the war against Iran continues to be immensely unpopular with Americans concerned with Mr. Trump’s handling of the economy and high gasoline prices. The Supreme Court, including justices he appointed, blocked Mr. Trump’s attempts to restrict mail-in voting.

And with the midterm elections looming, the president’s political authority appears to be ebbing after years in which he dominated not just his party but also the national discourse.

So after these losses, an increasingly frustrated Mr. Trump, seeking to change the subject, has turned to a new assault on his preferred foe: the news media.



Mr. Trump acted on his latest barrage of threats against the press on Saturday morning, when reporters for the outlets were denied access to the White House and had their badges confiscated.

On Friday evening, Mr. Trump had accused the three outlets of running “purposely negative stories” that were untrue, though he provided no details. The Trump administration has not said what led to his decision, which many First Amendment groups called unconstitutional and unlikely to survive a court challenge.

Condemnation from leading news outlets was nearly universal, including from many that compete directly with CNN, MS NOW and Politico.

“No news organization — or person — should be retaliated against by the government over the words they use,” said Lauren Easton, a spokeswoman for The Associated Press, which filed suit over restrictions that Mr. Trump tried to impose on its White House access last year.

The New York Times, The Washington Post and press associations also released statements calling the ban an attack on free speech and the free press.



Legal experts said that Mr. Trump’s media ban was unlikely to survive a court challenge, because the president explicitly connected his decision to bar CNN, Politico and MS NOW to the content of their reporting. That’s “textbook viewpoint discrimination,” said Bruce D. Brown, the president of the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press. The White House lost a similar legal battle during Mr. Trump’s first term after it revoked the press pass for the CNN reporter Jim Acosta.

Todd Spangler (VARIETY) explains the Acosta ban, "On Nov. 7, 2018, Trump suspended the White House press pass of Jim Acosta, then CNN’s chief White House counsel, because Trump didn’t like the questions Acosta asked him and and followed a particularly contentious exchange between the two. After CNN sued the Trump administration over the move, the White House reinstated Acosta’s credentials on Nov. 19."   

Chump is attacking The First Amendment.  Ellie Quinlan Houghtaling (THE NEW REPUBLIC) points out, "The news industry is an essential component of a healthy democracy. Questioning authority figures, dispelling untruths, shedding light on injustice, and disseminating verified information to the public are functions of that job in play, and tools to hold power to account."  , , and Ben Johansen (POLITICO) quotes FOX "NEWS" and White House Correspondents’ Association President Jacqui Heinrich stating, "“The implications extend beyond these organizations: a standard used to exclude one news outlet because of its coverage could be applied to any outlet in the future.  The American people, through a free and independent press, must be able to scrutinize those elected to power, regardless of whether government officials view it favorably.  That's why courts have repeatedly held that once the White House provides access to journalists, it cannot deny that access arbitrarily or based on the content of their reporting. The WHCA calls on the administration to immediately restore our colleagues' access."


The ban needs to be covered and called out.  However, as odious as it is, there's something equally -- if not more -- appalling that Chump's White House has done.  Julia Ornedo (THE DAILY BEAST) notes: 

More U.S. service members have died in the Middle East during President Donald Trump’s war with Iran than the administration has disclosed publicly, a bombshell new report has revealed.

Six Defense Department insiders familiar with the agency’s internal casualty accounting data told The Washington Post that there have been at least 22 military fatalities—four more than the 18 reported by the Pentagon on its Defense Casualty Analysis System.


Andre Damon (WSWS) also covers the story:


At least 22 US troops have died in the US war against Iran, the Washington Post reported Friday, four more than the official death toll of 18.

The Post cited six US officials it described as familiar with the Pentagon’s internal casualty accounting data. Five of them put the number of military dead at 22 or more, the Post reported, and the sixth said 23 troops and three American contractors had died since the war began on February 28. The Post wrote that the names of the undisclosed dead, and the dates, places and causes of their deaths, “remain unclear.”

The Pentagon refused to answer the Post’s questions about the uncounted deaths.

The administration is concealing the number of American dead in an illegal war of aggression that it began, together with Israel, in open defiance of international law. The US-Israeli war had killed at least 3,527 people in Iran by August 28, according to a count Al Jazeera compiled from health ministries and other official bodies.

The majority of the US population opposes the war. A Reuters/Ipsos poll taken September 11-14, seven weeks before the November 3 midterm elections, found that 59 percent of respondents disapprove of the US military strikes on Iran.


Let's wind down with this from Senator Alex Padilla's office:


18 Senators seek “thorough and objective” investigation into new whistleblower disclosure revealing DHS officers were directed to illegally access sensitive voter data and create law enforcement records based on unreliable data compiled with “supplemental magic”

WASHINGTON, D.C. — U.S. Senator Alex Padilla (D-Calif.), Ranking Member of the Senate Committee on Rules and Administration with jurisdiction over federal elections and Ranking Member of the Senate Judiciary Committee’s Immigration Subcommittee, and Senate Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) led 16 members of the Senate Democratic Caucus to demand the U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Office of Inspector General (OIG) immediately open an independent investigation into the wrongdoings detailed in a recent whistleblower’s disclosure. The disclosure alleges that DHS is directing U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) Fraud Detection and National Security (FDNS) officers to impersonate voters in violation of state laws to access online voter data as a part of its “Unlawful Voter Initiative,” an effort aimed at manufacturing evidence for President Trump’s unfounded claims of widespread voter fraud.

“The DHS Office of Inspector General’s mission is ‘[t]o provide independent oversight and promote excellence, integrity, and accountability within DHS,’” wrote the Senators. “We urge you to carry out that mission by immediately opening an independent investigation into the alleged wrongdoings detailed in the whistleblower’s claims, which describe agency leadership directing officers to violate the law and DHS standards of integrity.”

The Senators highlighted the whistleblower’s allegations and potential impacts on eligible voters and other lawfully present noncitizens, such as directing USCIS personnel to make false certifications to access sensitive voter information, create erroneous federal law enforcement records known as “TECS records,” require reckless performance quotas of reviewing 40 subjects per day, and rely on unreliable source data compiled with “supplemental magic.”

In addition to opening an investigation, the Senators urged the OIG to take immediate action to prevent additional wrongdoing, writing: “In addition to your investigation, please use every tool at your disposal, including a management alert, to address this immediately and prevent any additional wrongdoing or misuse of agency personnel and resources while the investigation is ongoing.”

“Given the time-sensitive nature of these claims, and the potential for misuse of this information for political purposes in the upcoming 2026 midterm elections, please provide weekly updates on the status of your investigation to the leadership of the Senate Committee on Rules and Administration, Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Government Affairs, and Senate Committee on the Judiciary,” the Senators concluded. “Finally, recognizing the special provisions concerning the DHS Secretary’s authority over certain DHS OIG audits and investigations, if the Secretary refuses to cooperate with an audit or investigation, please notify us immediately.”

The DHS whistleblower disclosure has also prompted outside watchdog organizations to conduct their own investigations into the Trump Administration’s wrongdoings, including an investigation launched by American Oversight to obtain DHS and USCIS records under the Freedom of Information Act regarding the “Unlawful Voter Initiative” and alleged DHS directives to violate state laws.

“The Trump Administration needs to come clean about the apparently rampant violations of the law by DHS and USCIS in their quest for Americans’ sensitive personal voter information, and I welcome outside watchdogs standing up to fight for the public’s right to know about this so-called ‘Unlawful Voter Initiative,’” said Senator Padilla. “According to the brave federal whistleblower who came forward this week, agency leaders are directing officers to violate laws and use ‘magic’ data, all in service of Donald Trump’s attempts to prove his baseless election fraud conspiracy theories. It’s an abuse of power that cries out for more transparency, and the Administration must stop this unlawful and reckless effort, respond to questions from Congress, and provide information to the public, as the law requires.”

“The Trump administration is working overtime to silence the voices of American voters – and Democrats are working even harder to protect our nation’s elections. There must be an immediate and thorough investigation following this brave whistleblower’s report about the lawlessness at DHS,” said Leader Schumer. “As costs skyrocket, and chaos reigns across the country, Trump is doing everything in his power to avoid accountability. But Americans are watching, they are angry, and they are ready to make their voices heard in November. In the United States, voters get to pick the President – not the other way around.”

In addition to Padilla and Schumer, the letter was signed by Senators Angela Alsobrooks (D-Md.), Tammy Baldwin (D-Wis.), Richard Blumenthal (D-Conn.), Lisa Blunt Rochester (D-Del.), Mazie Hirono (D-Hawaii), Timothy Kaine (D-Va.), Angus King (I-Maine), Edward J. Markey (D-Mass.), Jeff Merkley (D-Ore.), Adam Schiff (D-Calif.), Jeanne Shaheen (D-N.H.), Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), Mark Warner (D-Va.), Raphael Warnock (D-Ga.), Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.), and Ron Wyden (D-Ore.).

As Ranking Member of the Senate Rules Committee and California’s former Secretary of State and chief election officer, Padilla has championed election security and voting rights. Following receipt of the whistleblower’s disclosure, Padilla and Schumer demanded DHS Secretary Markwayne Mullin and USCIS Director Joseph B. Edlow immediately halt the “Unlawful Voter Initiative” and provide an urgent report to Congress on its activities. Padilla also called for immediate action and transparency from the Trump Administration following the bombshell whistleblower disclosure and demanded it stop the sham “Unlawful Voter Initiative.” Last month, Padilla led 27 of his Senate colleagues in demanding the Trump Administration stop their illegal voter roll purges before election day. In June, Padilla joined Schumer in launching the first-ever Senate Election Observer Program  to protect the 2026 midterms and maintain election integrity nationwide. The Task Force will continue meeting over the coming months to ensure that every American has fair access to the ballot box this November.

Full letter is available here and below:

Dear Inspector General Cuffari:

On September 8, 2026, a protected whistleblower made the attached disclosure to the Senate (the “Disclosure”) that reveals serious allegations of illegal and inappropriate activities within the Department of Homeland Security’s (“DHS” or “the Department”) U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (“USCIS”) Fraud Detection and National Security Directorate (“FDNS”).

The attached Disclosure confirms that the Department and USCIS leadership have abruptly diverted FDNS from its mission and directed personnel to an “Unlawful Voter Initiative” using highly questionable data and methods to identify purported unlawful voters. DHS and USCIS training materials admit these investigations will include U.S. citizens, some of whom will have federal law enforcement records created about them based on unreliable data and rushed reviews by officers held to quotas. This initiative is placing FDNS employees in an impossible position. They are being directed to take actions in the weeks before the election that this whistleblower believes are against the law and Department policy, and which will harm Americans.

The whistleblower’s Disclosure includes compelling evidence of wrongdoing by agency leadership including:

(1) USCIS personnel have been directed to access sensitive voter information in violation of state laws prohibiting unauthorized access to individual voter records, including to make false certifications and affirmations;

(2) USCIS personnel are under significant pressure from headquarters to enter federal

TECS records about individuals that have a high risk of being false, potentially harming thousands of people in likely violation of federal privacy requirements;

(3) Agency leadership is imposing reckless quotas that demand USCIS personnel investigate 40 subjects per day with minimal training, a rate of roughly 12 minutes per subject, with leadership tracking agent output in an attempt to complete this rushed investigation by September 12; and

(4) DHS is providing USCIS personnel with DHS data of dubious origin, including voter data, which they are required to accept as accurate despite the admission that the data has been augmented with “supplemental magic.”

The whistleblower’s Disclosure states that rank-and-file USCIS employees have serious concerns with the actions they have been directed to perform as part of the “Unlawful Voter Initiative.” When the whistleblower and others raised concerns about potential violations of state law, they were advised that they would not be held “personally liable”, implying an awareness of potential illegality by agency leadership. All these claims require a thorough and objective investigation, including whether authority exists to collect and use all relevant data, free of interference by agency leadership.

This initiative plainly appears to be a political exercise that poses risks to national security. Over the past several weeks, CNN, The New York Times, The Washington Post, ProPublica, and other outlets have reported on the intense White House pressure on DHS and other agencies to back up the President’s baseless claims of widespread election fraud. According to these reports, former USCIS officials are concerned that “work screening immigration applications for false information and possible security threats has effectively ground to a halt.”

Concerningly, the launch of the “Unlawful Voter Initiative” also occurred immediately following an FDNS reorganization that may have made these highly questionable practices easier to implement quickly across the agency. Your investigation should also examine whether this reorganization contributed to the management failures involved in this initiative.

The DHS Office of Inspector General’s (OIG) mission is “to provide independent oversight and promote excellence, integrity, and accountability within DHS.” We urge you to carry out that mission by immediately opening an independent investigation into the alleged wrongdoings detailed in the whistleblower’s claims, which describe agency leadership directing officers to violate the law and DHS standards of integrity. Failure to do so risks compounding the serious concerns about these activities within the FDNS workforce and the lack of integrity of FDNS, USCIS, and DHS leadership. In addition to your investigation, please use every tool at your disposal, including a management alert, to address this immediately and prevent any additional wrongdoing or misuse of agency personnel and resources while the investigation is ongoing.

Given the time-sensitive nature of these claims, and the potential for misuse of this information for political purposes in the upcoming 2026 midterm elections, please provide weekly updates on the status of your investigation to the leadership of the Senate Committee on Rules and Administration, Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Government Affairs, and Senate Committee on the Judiciary. Finally, recognizing the special provisions concerning the DHS Secretary’s authority over certain DHS OIG audits and investigations, if the Secretary refuses to cooperate with an audit or investigation, please notify us immediately.

Thank you for your attention to this important matter.

Sincerely,

###

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photos from the edge 42 - A NEW SYSTEM OF LABOR THREATENS FARMWORKER POWER

 

photos from the edge 42 - A NEW SYSTEM OF LABOR THREATENS FARMWORKER POWER
By David Bacon
Barn Raiser, 9/17/26
https://barnraisingmedia.com/a-new-system-of-labor-upends-farmworker-protections/
https://davidbaconrealitycheck.blogspot.com/2026/09/photos-from-edge-42-new-system-of-labor.html



Farmworkers began harvesting watermelons as soon as there was enough light to see, in a field near Arvin, California, in the San Joaquin Valley. The first people at work in this field are the cutters, who go down the rows looking for ripe melons. When they find one, they cut the vine and lift it above the leaves. Antonio Torrez, works as part of a three-person team.


Harvesting watermelons is brutally heavy work, done in extreme heat, but so coordinated that it’s almost a dance. First into a field come the cutters. They sever the vine and free each ripe melon from the plant, resting it on the leaves above the furrow. 

Then come the tossers. A tractor pulls a flatbed trailer carrying giant boxes down the rows. On each side are three workers. The outside man lifts a big melon off the ground and, with apparent ease, tosses it to the man in the middle. That worker catches it and at the same time picks up a melon at his feet, tossing both to the person on the inside. That third worker has to catch the flying melons while picking from his own row. He lifts them into the waiting hands of the loader on the trailer above, who catches them as they come, usually two at a time. Then the loader twists and carefully lays them into a waiting bin. 

The dance is performed (there is no other word for it) swiftly, but no one drops any of the giant fruits, which can weigh anywhere between 15 to 25 pounds. The tossers swing back and forth, catching and lifting and tossing. They’re almost running as they move down the rows. In the course of a day, they rotate positions so that each worker eventually does the harder and easier jobs in turn. They work so fast they’re never more than a day, two at most, in one place.




Behind the cutters, Jose Chavez and Martin Mendoza are part of a crew of loaders. They pick up the melons, often two at a time, and hand or toss them to men on the trailer, who put them into bins.


Until recently, this kind of labor gave workers the ability to bargain, and win, better wages and protections. But the rise of temporary farmworker visas combined with an increasingly mechanical harvesting process mean big change 

The crew I met at the peak of one summer’s heat was working in the south end of the San Joaquin Valley, not far from Arvin. At 5:30 that morning, as the sun came up, workers’ cars already lined the valley’s rural roads and highways, next to field after field. Even before daybreak, people were streaming from their vehicles into the rows and vines. By starting early, they could get seven or eight hours in before the heat reached its peak. 




Juan Hernandez picks up a watermelon as Jose Chavez gets ready to catch it. Meanwhile Martin Mendoza tosses two melons to Jose Moreno on the trailer.


It was already over 80 degrees, and by midafternoon the temperature would top 114. The southern San Joaquin Valley is a desert-like pan between the high Sierras and the Pacific Coast ranges, whose rivers have been diverted into giant irrigation projects. High temperatures are the norm. In 1933 the thermometer reached 116 degrees on July 27. The high in July 2021 was 115.

I had been looking for watermelon tossers to photograph, and Fausto Sanchez, the community worker for California Rural Legal Assistance (CRLA), had given me the coordinates for a field where he’d seen them the day before. When I was a United Farm Worker (UFW) organizer in the 1970s, finding fields often meant following obscure instructions based on landmarks and imagined estimates of distance. Guidance by reading coordinates on an iPhone was a new experience. But it worked, kind of, and after failing to locate two fields I finally found the crew in a third. 

Going into the field to take the pictures, I knew I didn’t need to ask permission from a supervisor. Watermelon crews work without a foreman, so I just needed their agreement to photograph them. These workers take pride in their ability, and willingness, to do this heavy labor in ferocious heat, day after day. They were glad to show a white guy with a camera what they could do.




On the trailer Marcos Mascareno catches two watermelons at a time, puts them (without bruising them) into the bins and gets ready for the next toss.


I’ve photographed such crews for decades. You don’t have much time to shoot in the middle of a field. People are working and don’t want to stop, especially if, like the melon throwers, they’re working on a piece rate. If you want pictures of people while they’re working, you do it on the run. You learn to walk backwards and look and talk and shoot, all at the same time. That in itself earns you respect.

So in this melon field I was half running and half walking backwards in the mud and vines, with a worker in front of me, sort of interested, but I’m sure thinking, “What a pain in the ass this guy is. I hope he doesn’t get in the way.” They were very polite though. No one ever said, “Get the hell out of my way.”   

I’ve admired watermelon harvesters since my union days. They’re strong and skilled; the melons are heavy, yet they throw them in precise coordination. A given crew will travel together for months, heading north from fields near the Mexican border through California, Oregon and Washington as the advancing heat ripens the fruit. In the winter, most watermelon workers live in the border towns of Mexicali and Calexico in the Imperial Valley, and the twin cities of San Luis in Arizona and San Luis Rio Colorado in Sonora. A few live in the Coachella Valley, an hour north of the border. During the harvest season they’re on the road and don’t see their families until the picking is over and they return home. 




The tractor and crew head down the field.


Some crews function as a collective and return to the same fields and growers year after year, bargaining with the grower directly. In previous years, the crew method of bargaining, and their control of the speed of the work, gave them a lot of leverage and resulted in better pay. Watermelon crews get paid as a group, $150 for each trailer. The trailer in this field held 16 full bins, for a total of perhaps 500 watermelons. They divide the money evenly, which worked out to about $20 per person for each trailer. They can load 7-8 trailers before it gets too hot for this heavy exertion. 

Other farmworkers also have used their crew organization to get better wages through control over the work. Lettuce cutters had a similar power and were organized in what were called “ground crews” of 30-40 workers divided into trios: two cutting and one packing boxes. They could control the amount of lettuce they would cut in a day and would slow down or even stop to get the piece rate increased. In earlier decades, Filipino crews of grape pickers would also negotiate with growers as a group, headed by their own crew boss. The 1965 grape strike began when those crews struck, first in Coachella and then in Delano.

Today, however, this traditional way of working and bargaining is disappearing. The Filipino crews are now history. Ground crews are disappearing too, and lettuce is harvested these days by workers behind a lettuce machine that controls the work speed, making collective action harder. Lechugeros are no longer always among the best paid in farm labor, as they were before.




Each trailer carries an Igloo cooler with water. When the workers stop for a break they get a drink. Armando Miranda drinks straight from the spigot. California regulations require employers to provide one quart of fresh water per worker per hour of labor.


To see if the same process was changing the work of melon harvesters, I began driving through the San Joaquin Valley, searching for crews, particularly those recruited to work under the H-2A visa program, which allows employers to bring workers from abroad, who labor under exploitative conditions for up to 10 months, after which they have to leave the country. In the end, I found several. Often the foremen were young men in the H-2A program themselves. 

The crews saw no problem with me taking photographs. They talked easily about their jobs, which they’d tried hard to get when they were recruited in Mexico. 
 
On one ranch near Firebaugh, I recognized the name on the boxes of melons the workers were picking. King Fisher was a play on words by the Fisher family, whose Fisher Ranch is one of the largest growers in the Palo Verde Valley. In the 1970s, I was sent to that desert oasis on the Colorado River by the UFW, to help melon workers organize a union. The Fishers employed more workers on more acres there than any other grower.




The loading crew often works faster than the cutters can cut, and stop for a break when they catch up to them. Juan Hernandez wipes the sweat from his eyes as he pauses for a minute or two.


In the Firebaugh field, I found a crew of farmworkers on H-2A visas, harvesting melons early in the morning. Their recruiter, Rancho Nuevo Harvesting, contracts crews of H-2A workers for growers throughout California. The Fisher family had hired Rancho Nuevo Harvesting to harvest the field. 

Under state and federal law, employers must provide the workers with housing. In 2023, acting Secretary of Labor Julie Su won a judgement against Rancho Nuevo for providing unsafe housing, underpaying workers and supplying them with spoiled food, forcing the contractor to pay over $1 million in back wages and penalties.

The temperature in Firebaugh at 9:00 in the morning was over 95 degrees. It would reach 110 that afternoon. The workers in the field were Cora indigenous people (náayerite in their language), recruited from the Mexican state of Nayarit. It was only their second day of work in the U.S. and they were not yet accustomed to the heat. The náayerite live in a mountainous region where the climate is cool, often even cold. According to a man cutting melons next to the machine, one worker began to bleed from his nose the day before, on his first day working in the fierce heat.




An H-2A worker tosses a melon onto the conveyor belt.


As they moved through the field they cut the melons from the vines and tossed them onto a conveyor belt leading to a platform pulled behind a tractor. There, other workers packed the melons into boxes. This system is replacing the earlier system, in which workers tossed, caught and packed melons with their hands. The conveyor belt and the loader assembly are parts of a mechanized system, the Melonator, intended to supplant much of hand labor in melon harvesting. 

Growers, especially the largest corporate ones, don’t like the old system. It gives workers too much control, which the workers use to win better wages. Today some autonomous crews still cut and toss watermelons, but for other melons this new system of machines and H-2A workers is becoming almost universal.

Grower Bart Fisher says that when an additional assembly is added to replace the pickers themselves, the machine will only need seven people to do a job that now requires 30 people in the H-2A crew. He has developed melon varieties that stand up to machine harvesting. Nevertheless, even Hank Giclas, senior vice president for science and technology at the Western Growers Association, regrets the disappearance of the old system. “These workers are skilled,” he says, “and the product is a delicate product.”




Farmworkers brought to the U.S. in the H-2A visa program harvest melons early in the morning in a field near Firebaugh, in the San Joaquin Valley.  They cut the melons from the vines, ad toss them onto a conveyor belt that leads to a platform where other workers pack the melons into boxes.


According to Fisher, a shortage of farmworkers is driving up labor costs, and California law, fought for by the UFW now requires that growers pay overtime after 40 hours. “We’re marching toward an 8-hour workday and $15 an hour. It’s just going to make us noncompetitive,” he told the Desert Sun in 2018.

As the pandemic was well into its second year, Roberto de la Rosa called me from Porterville in the southern San Joaquin Valley. Roberto, a human rights lawyer and board president of CRLA, was helping a group of H-2A guestworkers who’d been cheated of their pay by a labor contractor. 

I talked with a leader of this group who’d confronted their stubborn crew boss, who he knew would never hire him again. Like all H-2A workers, he was dependent on the wages he could earn in U.S. fields—low by U.S. standards, but a lot higher than farmworker pay in Mexico. He wanted to denounce what had happened to him, but also to come back to work in the U.S. the following year. He feared other labor recruiters would blacklist him as a protester and asked me not to use his real name. “All the people I work with are afraid of reprisals if we speak up,” he told me. 




Workers on the machine pack melons into boxes with the “KingFisher” label. The label marks produce from the ranches of the Fisher family, one of California’s largest melon growers.


I’ll call him Eduardo. In 2020, he arrived in the San Joaquin Valley to pick oranges, tangerines and lemons for Porterville Citrus, a large grower. He was hired in Veracruz, Mexico, by a recruiter for Fresh Harvest, another labor contractor that brings thousands of workers to the U.S. every year under the H-2A visa program. Fresh Harvest also has a record of labor violations and paid $1 million to farmworkers in a case brought by CRLA in 2018 over unpaid travel time.

About 2 million farmworkers labor in U.S. fields. In 2025, the Department of Labor gave growers certifications for 398,258 H-2A workers, or about a fifth of the entire U.S. farm labor workforce. That’s a fourfold increase from 98,813 in 2012. Almost all are young men. Those who can’t work fast enough, or who protest, can be fired at any time and sent back. “We all come from marginalized communities in Mexico where there’s no work,” Eduardo explained. “It’s easy for the company to take advantage of our need.” 

Federal regulations establish a minimum wage for H-2A workers. In the fall of 2025, the Trump administration cut the mandatory minimum for H-2A workers in California from $19.97 an hour to $16.59. Since the state’s minimum wage is now $16.90 an hour, the federal wage would be illegal and will therefore default to the state minimum. 




The H-2A workers at the Travelodge Motel get their meals at the taco truck in the motel parking lot.


The UFW sued, and at the end of August, U.S. District Judge Kirk E. Sherriff in Fresno ruled that the federal wage was illegal because the Department of Labor didn’t “ensure that the hiring of H-2A workers will not ‘adversely affect’ U.S. farmworkers’ wages.” Nevertheless, the probably illegal wage will remain in effect while the Department of Labor formulates a new one. Despite that, the ruling is based on the obvious fact that the wage paid H-2A workers in effect functions as a ceiling on the wages of all farmworkers, who face replacement if they’re not willing to work for it. 

Many H-2A workers report not being paid even what they were promised, or what the law requires. What makes the program attractive to growers is that workers do not have any ability to negotiate their labor contracts. Their living environment and mobility are restricted, and they face the loss of their job and visa if they protest. 

“We were being paid by the hour, but they put production quotas on us and continually demanded more,” Eduardo told me. “They said we’d be fired and put on a blacklist if we didn’t meet the quota. In the oranges, we had to fill a bin every hour. If there was a lot of fruit in the trees, we had to fill it every 45 minutes, or even every half hour.” In his crew of 45 pickers, eight were fired in six months for not meeting the quota. “It was completely exhausting. The food the company gave us wasn’t enough and we were tired all the time.”  




Some rooms in the Palm Tree Inn have notices on the windows saying they've been decontaminated and/or disinfected "against a multitude of virus and bacteria to specifically include COVID-19."


Trump’s wage cut of over $3 an hour comes on top of other complaints that H-2A workers have had, especially about their housing. Historically, the regulations governing the H-2A program required growers to furnish housing to workers without charge. Last year, however, the Trump administration issued a new rule, now being challenged in court, that would allow growers to charge workers $3 an hour for housing, on top of its mandated pay cut. According to the U.S. Department of Labor memo, that would bring the hourly wage for H-2A workers in California down to $13.52, even more illegal should growers implement it.

In 2020 Eduardo was housed, along with several hundred other H-2A workers, at the Palm Tree Inn, a rundown motel by the freeway in Porterville. “Some of us were living 3-4 people in one room,” he said, “and there were rooms with as many as 8 or 10. In the van or bus going to and from work we were crowded like sardines. During the pandemic we were very worried about it.”

According to Mari Perez and Art Rodriguez, organizers for the Central Valley Empowerment Alliance, when they went to the Palm Tree Inn to talk with Eduardo and other protesting workers, Fresh Harvest guards threw them off the property. Other farmworker advocacy organizations also charge that labor contractors routinely refuse public access to motel residences for H-2A workers.




After the controversy over unpaid wages the motel appeared vacant.  The H-2A farmworkers working for Porterville Citrus were housed there.


The Palm Tree Inn is an old motel. It received terrible reviews on Yelp until Fresh Harvest took over its rooms to house its H-2A crews. I visited the Palm Tree Inn after the workers left, a dilapidated two-story building on two sides of a blistering hot asphalt parking lot. After the controversy over unpaid wages, and the expiration of the contracts for the last workers, the motel appeared vacant. I couldn’t get into the locked rooms. The concrete stairways and outside walkways were crumbling. 

Most disturbing was the notice posted in several windows, saying the rooms had been decontaminated and/or disinfected. The Material Safety Data Sheet said the chemical used was Aqua Systems’ Quat Sanitizer II, “a quaternary ammonium product proven to be effective for sanitizing work areas and equipment against a multitude of virus and bacteria, to specifically include COVID-19.”

During the pandemic, in little towns like Huron and Los Banos, growers have taken over motels like the Palm Tree Inn, hastily assembling steel bunk bed frames so that each room can house four or six workers, sometimes more. While proximity increased the danger of Covid infection, labor contractors seemed oblivious. Perhaps they were making so much money from their mushrooming labor contracts that the risk was worth ignoring, at least for them.




Farmworkers brought to the U.S. in the H-2A visa program are housed by the labor contractor Jim Hernandez at the Travelodge Motel in Los Banos, in the San Joaquin Valley.  Jose Diaz Solano is welding bunk bed frames so the contractor can increase the number of workers sleeping in each motel room from  3 to 4.


Corporate agriculture is increasingly dependent on the explosive growth of this program, ignoring the cost in lost jobs to local farmworkers, and the toll on the H-2A workers themselves. The pandemic highlighted that cost. Cynthia Rice, former litigation director for CRLA, points to the isolation of the workers and the temporary nature of their presence in the U.S. as root causes of their vulnerability. “Our agricultural industry is sustained by cross border labor—we have to acknowledge that,” she says. “But these workers have only a quasi-legal status, controlled by growers.”  

Where the self-organizing of watermelon crews and lettuce cutters gave them some degree of power to counter grower control, they are losing it to this exploitative new labor system.




H-2A workers for Rancho Nuevo Harvesting on the Fisher ranch.




The temperature at the time, about 9:00 in the morning, was over 95 degrees.




The conveyor belt and the loader assembly are parts of a mechanized system the Melonator.  As the machine moves through the field, at the end of the conveyor belt the melons are loaded into a large hopper on a trailer dragged by a tractor.

 



Can Photography Change the World?  A Conversation with David Bacon
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KfCDPh-KoRo
 
An edition of
Get the Picture with Brad Sigal
 
In this edition of Get the Picture Podcast, host Brad Sigal talks with long-time movement photographer David Bacon about his recent 3-part workshop hosted by the UCLA Labor Center, “Photography for the Revolution.”  They also dive into some progressive and revolutionary photographers throughout history like Alberto Korda and Tina Modotti, explore cases of political repression against independent journalists, and look at the political legacy of Ansel Adams with a more critical eye. 
 
Follow David’s work:
https://davidbaconrealitycheck.blogsp...
 
David Bacon’s 3-part ‘Photography for the Revolution’ series, hosted by the UCLA Labor Center:
 
Some things mentioned in this episode: Freelance journalists’ union: Newsguild-CWA Local 39521 https://www.guildfreelancers.org/ 
Class Conscious Photographers https://classconsciousphotographers.o...
As Left Erupted in Protest, Ansel Adams Moved Right by David Bacon https://jacobin.com/2025/06/ansel-ada...

 



“Farmworker Solidarity: From California to San Quintín” highlights the Red Binacional Campesina’s delegation to the San Quintín Valley in Baja California. Through this publication, David Bacon documents the struggles and organizing efforts of agricultural workers under the H-2A temporary worker program, illustrating how the program creates both economic opportunity and profound vulnerability.
 
Workers, union leaders, and organizers in San Quintín along the U.S.-Mexico border, and throughout California share how these labor conditions shape the lives of workers, families, and communities on both sides of the border. Their stories highlight the importance of strengthening cross-border organizing and demonstrate how the Red Binacional Campesina, convened through the UCLA Labor Center, is building long-term, binational solidarity and collective power.
 
Read the publication in
English or Español.
 
“Solidaridad de los trabajadores agrícolas: De California a San Quintín ” pone de relieve la Red Binacional. La delegación de Campesina al Valle de San Quintín en Baja California. A través de esta publicación, David Bacon documenta las luchas y los esfuerzos organizativos de los trabajadores agrícolas bajo el programa de trabajadores temporales H-2A, ilustrando cómo el programa crea tanto oportunidades económicas como una profunda vulnerabilidad.
 
Trabajadores, líderes sindicales y organizadores en San Quintín, en la frontera entre Estados Unidos y México, y en toda California, comparten cómo estas condiciones laborales moldean la vida de los trabajadores, las familias y las comunidades a ambos lados de la frontera. Sus historias resaltan la importancia de fortalecer la organización transfronteriza y demuestran cómo la Red Binacional Campesina , convocada a través del Centro Laboral de la UCLA, está construyendo una solidaridad binacional a largo plazo y un poder colectivo.
 
Lea la publicación en
inglés o en español .

 



Immigrant Workers and the Recent History of Immigration Raids
A presentation by David Bacon at the UCLA Latin American Institute, with photographs and transcript.
3/11/25

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5FlsyWTBWso
 

BOOKS - LIBROS

More Than a Wall / Mas que un muro
El Colegio de la Frontera Norte
https://david-bacon-photography.square.site/product/more-than-a-wall-mas-que-un-muro/1?cp=true&sa=true&sbp=false&q=false

En Mexico: https://libreria.colef.mx/detalle.aspx?id=7864
 
In the Fields of the North / En los campos del norte
University of California Press / Colegio de la Frontera Norte

https://www.ucpress.edu/books/in-the-fields-of-the-north-en-los-campos-del-norte/paper
En Mexico: https://libreria.colef.mx/detalle.aspx?id=7586

The Right to Stay Home:  How US Policy Drives Mexican Migration  (Beacon Press, 2013)
https://www.beacon.org/The-Right-to-Stay-Home-P1055.aspx


Illegal People -- How Globalization Creates Migration and Criminalizes Immigrants  (Beacon Press, 2008)
Recipient: C.L.R. James Award, best book of 2007-2008

https://www.beacon.org/Illegal-People-P780.aspx

Communities Without Borders (Cornell University/ILR Press, 2006)
https://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/9780801473074/communities-without-borders/#bookTabs=1

The Children of NAFTA, Labor Wars on the U.S./Mexico Border (University of California, 2004)
https://www.ucpress.edu/books/the-children-of-nafta/paper

 



WORK AND SOCIAL JUSTICE:
The David Bacon Archive exhibition at Stanford Libraries

https://exhibits.stanford.edu/bacon/browse
For a catalog: (https://web.stanford.edu/dept/spec_coll/NonVendorPubOrderform2017.pdf)

 

THE REALITY CHECK - David Bacon blog
http://davidbaconrealitycheck.blogspot.com

For more articles and images, see  http://dbacon.igc.org and
https://www.flickr.com/photos/56646659@N05/albums
 
 
BROOKE ANDERSON PODCAST #8
�� LISTEN: https://linktr.ee/thatshowthelightgetsinpodcast (or anywhere you get your podcasts)
 

MAS QUE UN MURO
Cinco Entrivistas sobre la exposicion en el Museo Nacional de las Culturas del Mundo, CDMX:


Part 1:  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6eix0HEStpc
Part 2:  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FO4IIBPs06U
Part 3:  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VHtY-fgtsjs
Part 4:  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Xm_MNrEX2Mw
Part 5:  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MpwSuBbgAQs

 


Pacific Media Workers Guild, CWA Local 39521, adopted a resolution supporting the Labor Call for a Ceasefire in Gaza:  https://mediaworkers.org/guild-joins-calls-for-immediate-ceasefire-in-gaza/

WHEN WE SPOKE OUT AGAINST WAR
Unearthing the history of protest against the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan
Photographs © by David Bacon

https://www.flickr.com/photos/56646659@N05/52759801492/in/album-72177720306862427/