This is US President Barack Obama's speech on Iraq yesterday.
STATEMENT BY THE PRESIDENT
James S. Brady Press Briefing Room
4:09 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Good afternoon, everybody. I want to say a few words
on a number of topics and take a few questions before the long Labor
Day weekend.
First, beginning with the number one thing most Americans care about
-- the economy. This morning, we found out that our economy actually
grew at a stronger clip in the 2nd quarter than we originally thought.
Companies are investing. Consumers are spending. Over the past four
and a half years, our businesses have now created nearly 10 million new
jobs. So there are reasons to feel good about the direction we’re
headed.
But as everybody knows, there’s a lot more that we should be doing to
make sure that all Americans benefit from the progress that we’ve
made. And I’m going to be pushing Congress hard on this when they
return next week.
Second, in Iraq, our dedicated pilots and crews continue to carry out
the targeted strikes that I authorized to protect Americans there and
to address the humanitarian situation on the ground.
As Commander-in-Chief, I will always do what is necessary to protect
the American people and defend against evolving threats to our
homeland. Because of our strikes, the terrorists of ISIL are losing
arms and equipment. In some areas, Iraqi government and Kurdish forces
have begun to push them back.
And we continue to be proud and grateful to our extraordinary personnel serving in this mission.
Now, ISIL poses an immediate threat to the people of Iraq and to
people throughout the region. And that’s why our military action in
Iraq has to be part of a broader, comprehensive strategy to protect our
people and to support our partners who are taking the fight to ISIL.
And that starts with Iraq’s leaders building on the progress that
they’ve made so far and forming an inclusive government that will unite
their country and strengthen their security forces to confront ISIL.
Any successful strategy, though, also needs strong regional
partners. I’m encouraged so far that countries in the region --
countries that don’t always agree on many things -- increasingly
recognize the primacy of the threat that ISIL poses to all of them. And
I’ve asked Secretary Kerry to travel to the region to continue to build
the coalition that’s needed to meet this threat. As I’ve said, rooting
out a cancer like ISIL will not be quick or easy, but I’m confident
that we can -- and we will -- working closely with our allies and our
partners.
For our part, I’ve directed Secretary Hagel and our Joint Chiefs of
Staff to prepare a range of options. I’ll be meeting with my National
Security Council again this evening as we continue to develop that
strategy. And I’ve been consulting with members of Congress and I’ll
continue to do so in the days ahead.
Finally, I just spoke with Chancellor Merkel of Germany on the
situation in Ukraine. We agree -- if there was ever any doubt -- that
Russia is responsible for the violence in eastern Ukraine. The violence
is encouraged by Russia. The separatists are trained by Russia. They
are armed by Russia. They are funded by Russia. Russia has
deliberately and repeatedly violated the sovereignty and territorial
integrity of Ukraine. And the new images of Russian forces inside
Ukraine make that plain for the world to see. This comes as Ukrainian
forces are making progress against the separatists.
As a result of the actions Russia has already taken, and the major
sanctions we’ve imposed with our European and international partners,
Russia is already more isolated than at any time since the end of the
Cold War. Capital is fleeing. Investors are increasingly staying out.
Its economy is in decline. And this ongoing Russian incursion into
Ukraine will only bring more costs and consequences for Russia.
Next week, I’ll be in Europe to coordinate with our closest allies
and partners. In Estonia, I will reaffirm our unwavering commitment to
the defense of our NATO allies.
At the NATO Summit in the United Kingdom, we’ll focus on the
additional steps we can take to ensure the Alliance remains prepared for
any challenge. Our meeting of the NATO-Ukraine Commission will be
another opportunity for our alliance to continue our partnership with
Ukraine. And I look forward to reaffirming the unwavering commitment of
the United States to Ukraine and its people when I welcome President
Poroshenko to the White House next month.
So with that, I’m going to take a few questions. And I’m going to
start with somebody who I guess is now a big cheese -- he’s moved on.
But I understand this is going to be his last chance to ask me a
question in the press room. So I want to congratulate Chuck Todd and
give him first dibs.
Q I’m glad you said “in the press room.” Let me start with
Syria. The decision that you have to make between -- first of all, is
it a “if” or “when” situation about going after ISIL in Syria? Can you
defeat ISIL or ISIS without going after them in Syria? And then how do
you prioritize? You have said that Assad has lost legitimacy to lead.
Defeating ISIS could help Assad keep power. Talk about how you
prioritize those two pieces of your foreign policy.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, first of all, I want to make sure everybody is
clear on what we’re doing now, because it is limited. Our focus right
now is to protect American personnel on the ground in Iraq; to protect
our embassy, to protect our consulates, to make sure that critical
infrastructure that could adversely affect our personnel is protected.
Where we see an opportunity that allows us with very modest risk to
help the humanitarian situation there as we did in Sinjar Mountain, we
will take those opportunities after having consulted with Congress. But
our core priority right now is just to make sure that our folks are
safe and to do an effective assessment of Iraqi and Kurdish
capabilities.
As I said I think in the last press conference, in order for us to be
successful, we’ve got to have an Iraqi government that is unified and
inclusive. So we are continuing to push them to get that job done. As
soon as we have an Iraqi government in place, the likelihood of the
Iraqi security forces being more effective in taking the fight to ISIL
significantly increases. And the options that I’m asking for from the
Joint Chiefs focuses primarily on making sure that ISIL is not
overrunning Iraq.
What is true, though, is that the violence that’s been taking place
in Syria has obviously given ISIL a safe haven there in ungoverned
spaces. And in order for us to degrade ISIL over the long term, we’re
going to have to build a regional strategy. Now, we’re not going to do
that alone. We’re going to have to do that with other partners, and
particularly Sunni partners, because part of the goal here is to make
sure that Sunnis both in Syria and in Iraq feel as if they’ve got an
investment in a government that actually functions, a government that
can protect them, a government that makes sure that their families are
safe from the barbaric acts that we’ve seen in ISIL. And right now,
those structures are not in place.
And that’s why the issue with respect to Syria is not simply a
military issue, it’s also a political issue. It’s also an issue that
involves all the Sunni states in the region and Sunni leadership
recognizing that this cancer that has developed is one that they have to
be just as invested in defeating as we are.
And so to cut to the chase in terms of what may be your specific
concerns, Chuck, my priority at this point is to make sure that the
gains that ISIL made in Iraq are rolled back, and that Iraq has the
opportunity to govern itself effectively and secure itself.
But when we look at a broader strategy that is consistent with what I
said at West Point, that’s consistent with what I said at the National
Defense College, clearly ISIL has come to represent the very worst
elements in the region that we have to deal with collectively. And
that’s going to be a long-term project. It’s going to require us to
stabilize Syria in some fashion, and stabilizing Syria in some fashion
means that we’ve got to get moderate Sunnis who are able to govern and
offer a real alternative and competition to what ISIL has been doing in
some of these spaces.
Now, the last point with respect to Assad, it’s not just my opinion
-- I think it would be international opinion -- that Assad has lost
legitimacy in terms of dropping barrel bombs on innocent families and
killing tens of thousands of people. And right now, what we’re seeing
is the areas that ISIL is occupying are not controlled by Assad anyway.
And, frankly, Assad doesn’t seem to have the capability or reach to get
into those areas. So I don’t think this is a situation where we have
to choose between Assad or the kinds of people who carry on the
incredible violence that we’ve been seeing there. We will continue to
support a moderate opposition inside of Syria, in part because we have
to give people inside of Syria a choice other than ISIL or Assad.
And I don’t see any scenario in which Assad somehow is able to bring
peace and stability to a region that is majority Sunni and has not so
far shown any willingness to share power with them or in any kind of
significant way deal with the longstanding grievances that they have
there.
Q Do you need Congress’s approval to go into Syria?
THE PRESIDENT: I have consulted with Congress throughout this
process. I am confident that as Commander-in-Chief I have the
authorities to engage in the acts that we are conducting currently. As
our strategy develops, we will continue to consult with Congress. And I
do think that it will be important for Congress to weigh in, or that
our consultations with Congress continue to develop so that the American
people are part of the debate.
But I don’t want to put the cart before the horse. We don’t have a
strategy yet. I think what I’ve seen in some of the news reports
suggests that folks are getting a little further ahead of where we’re at
than we currently are. And I think that’s not just my assessment, but
the assessment of our military as well. We need to make sure that we’ve
got clear plans, that we’re developing them. At that point, I will
consult with Congress and make sure that their voices are heard. But
there’s no point in me asking for action on the part of Congress before I
know exactly what it is that is going to be required for us to get the
job done.
Colleen McCain Nelson.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. Do you consider today’s escalation in
Ukraine an invasion? And when you talk about additional costs to
Russia, are you ready at this point to impose broader economic
sanctions? Or are you considering other responses that go beyond
sanctions?
THE PRESIDENT: I consider the actions that we’ve seen in the last
week a continuation of what’s been taking place for months now. As I
said in my opening statement, there is no doubt that this is not a
homegrown, indigenous uprising in eastern Ukraine. The separatists are
backed, trained, armed, financed by Russia. Throughout this process,
we’ve seen deep Russian involvement in everything that they’ve done.
I think in part because of the progress that you had seen by the
Ukrainians around Donetsk and Luhansk, Russia determined that it had to
be a little more overt in what it had already been doing. But it’s not
really a shift.
What we have seen, though, is that President Putin and Russia have
repeatedly passed by potential off-ramps to resolve this
diplomatically. And so in our consultations with our European allies
and partners, my expectation is, is that we will take additional steps
primarily because we have not seen any meaningful action on the part of
Russia to actually try to resolve this in diplomatic fashion.
And I think that the sanctions that we’ve already applied have been
effective. Our intelligence shows that the Russians know they’ve been
effective, even though it may not appear on Russian television. And I
think there are ways for us to deepen or expand the scope of some of
that work.
But ultimately, I think what’s important to recognize is the degree
to which Russian decision-making is isolating Russia. They're doing
this to themselves. And what I’ve been encouraged by is the degree to
which our European partners recognize even though they are bearing a
cost in implementing these sanctions, they understand that a broader
principle is at stake. And so I look forward to the consultations that
we’ll have when I see them next week.
Zeke Miller.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. Last year, you said that you believe
our democracy is stronger when the President acts with the support of
Congress. In response to Chuck’s question you said you don’t have a
strategy yet, but you’ll reconsider that going forward. But why didn’t
you go to Congress before this current round of strikes in Iraq? Do you
not believe that that’s the case anymore, what you said last year? And
throughout your career you’ve also said that -- you raised concerns
with the expansion of powers of the executive. Are you concerned that
your recent actions, unilaterally, had maybe -- have cut against that?
THE PRESIDENT: No. And here’s why: It is not just part of my
responsibility, but it is a sacred duty for me as Commander-in-Chief to
protect the American people. And that requires me to act fast, based on
information I receive, if an embassy of ours or a consulate of ours is
being threatened. The decisions I made were based on very concrete
assessments about the possibility that Erbil might be overrun in the
Kurdish region and that our consulate could be in danger. And I can’t
afford to wait in order to make sure that those folks are protected.
But throughout this process, we’ve consulted closely with Congress,
and the feedback I’ve gotten from Congress is, is that we’re doing the
right thing. Now, as we go forward -- as I’ve described to Chuck -- and
look at a broader regional strategy with an international coalition and
partners to systematically degrade ISIL’s capacity to engage in the
terrible violence and disruptions that they’ve been engaging in not just
in Syria, not just in Iraq, but potentially elsewhere if we don’t nip
this at the bud, then those consultations with Congress for something
that is longer term I think become more relevant.
And it is my intention that Congress has to have some buy-in as
representatives of the American people. And, by the way, the American
people need to hear what that strategy is. But as I said to Chuck, I
don’t want to put the cart before the horse. And in some of the media
reports the suggestion seems to have been that we’re about to go full
scale on an elaborate strategy for defeating ISIL, and the suggestion, I
guess, has been that we’ll start moving forward imminently and somehow
Congress -- still out of town -- is going to be left in the dark.
That’s not what’s going to happen.
We are going to continue to focus on protecting the American people.
We’re going to continue, where we can, to engage in the sort of
humanitarian acts that saved so many folks who were trapped on a
mountain. We are going to work politically and diplomatically with
folks in the region. And we’re going to cobble together the kind of
coalition that we need for a long-term strategy as soon as we are able
to fit together the military, political and economic components of that
strategy. There will be a military aspect to that, and it’s going to be
important for Congress to know what that is, in part because it may
cost some money.
I’ll just take a couple more. Yes.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. Do you regret not moving on ISIS
earlier? There are some reports indicating that most of the weapons,
the U.S. weapons that they have, they got it or they acquired it after
the fall of Mosul. And also, the Iraqi President said today that the
Iraqi forces are in no position to stand up to ISIS. What makes you
think that forming a new government will change the situation?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, once ISIL got into Mosul that posed a big
problem, because there’s no doubt that they were able to capture some
weapons and resources that they then used to finance additional
operations.
And at that stage, we immediately contacted the Iraqi government.
Keep in mind we had been in communications with the Iraqi government for
more than a year indicating that we saw significant problems in the
Sunni areas. Prime Minister Maliki was not as responsive perhaps as we
would have liked to some of the underlying political grievances that
existed at the time.
There is no doubt that in order for Iraq security forces to be
successful, they're going to need help. They're going to need help from
us. They're going to need help from our international partners.
They're going to need additional training. They're going to need
additional equipment. And we are going to be prepared to offer that
support.
There may be a role for an international coalition providing
additional air support for their operations. But the reason it’s so
important that an Iraqi government be in place is this is not simply a
military problem. The problem we have had consistently is a Sunni
population that feels alienated from Baghdad and does not feel invested
in what’s happening, and does not feel as if anybody is looking out for
them.
If we can get a government in place that provides Sunnis some hope
that a national government serves their interest, if they can regain
some confidence and trust that it will follow through on commitments
that were made way back in 2006 and 2007 and 2008 and earlier about how
you arrive at, for example, de-Baathification laws and give people
opportunities so they're not locked out of government positions -- if
those things are followed through on, and we are able to combine it with
a sound military strategy, then I think we can be successful. If we
can't, then the idea that the United States or any outside power would
perpetually defeat ISIS I think is unrealistic.
As I’ve said before -- I think I said in the previous press
conference -- our military is the best in the world. We can route ISIS
on the ground and keep a lid on things temporarily. But then as soon as
we leave, the same problems come back again. So we’ve got to make sure
that Iraqis understand in the end they're going to be responsible for
their own security. And part of that is going to be the capacity for
them to make compromises.
It also means that states in the region stop being ambivalent about
these extremist groups. The truth is that we’ve had state actors who at
times have thought that the way to advance their interests is, well,
financing some of these groups as proxies is not such a bad strategy.
And part of our message to the entire region is this should be a wake-up
call to Sunni,to Shia -- to everybody -- that a group like ISIS is
beyond the pale; that they have no vision or ideology beyond violence
and chaos and the slaughter of innocent people. And as a consequence,
we’ve got to all join together -- even if we have differences on a range
of political issues -- to make sure that they’re rooted out.
Last question.
Q Mr. President, despite all of the actions the West has taken to
get Russia to pull back from Ukraine, Russia seems intent on taking one
step after another -- convoys, transports of arms. At what point do
sanctions no longer work? Would you envisage the possibility of a
necessity of military action to get Russia to pull back from Ukraine?
THE PRESIDENT: We are not taking military action to solve the
Ukrainian problem. What we’re doing is to mobilize the international
community to apply pressure on Russia. But I think it is very important
to recognize that a military solution to this problem is not going to
be forthcoming. Now, the fact that Russia has taken these actions in
violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Ukrainians
has resulted, I believe, in a weakening of Russia, not a strengthening
of Russia. That may not be apparent immediately, but I think it will
become increasingly apparent.
What it’s also done is isolated Russia from its trading partners, its
commercial partners, international business in ways that I think are
going to be very difficult to recover from. And we will continue to
stand firm with our allies and partners that what is happening is wrong,
that there is a solution that allows Ukraine and Russia to live
peacefully. But it is not in the cards for us to see a military
confrontation between Russia and the United States in this region.
Keep in mind, however, that I’m about to go to a NATO conference.
Ukraine is not a member of NATO, but a number of those states that are
close by are. And we take our Article 5 commitments to defend each
other very seriously, and that includes the smallest NATO member, as
well as the largest NATO member. And so part of the reason I think this
NATO meeting is going to be so important is to refocus attention on the
critical function that NATO plays to make sure that every country is
contributing in order to deliver on the promise of our Article 5
assurances.
Part of the reason I’ll be going to Estonia is to let the Estonians
know that we mean what we say with respect to our treaty obligations.
We don’t have those treaty obligations with Ukraine. We do, however,
stand shoulder to shoulder with them, and we’re doing not just a lot of
work diplomatically but also financially in order to make sure that they
have the best chance at dealing with what is admittedly a very
difficult situation.
Thank you very much, everybody.
Q On immigration?
THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, guys. Thank you.
Q Immigration?
Q Mr. President, how are external events and your executive
decision-making going to impact your decision on immigration reform?
Some people say you’re going to delay this.
THE PRESIDENT: Let me just say this: I’ve been very clear about the
fact that our immigration system is broken and needs to be fixed. And
my preference continues to be that Congress act. I don’t think anybody
thinks that Congress is going to act in the short term, but hope springs
eternal that after the midterm elections they may act.
In the meantime, what I’ve asked Jeh Johnson to do is to look at what
kinds of executive authorities we have in order to make the system work
better. And we’ve had a lot of stakeholder discussions; that set of
proposals is being worked up.
And the one thing that I think has happened was the issue with
unaccompanied children that got so much attention a couple of months
back. And part of the reason that was important was not because that
represented a huge unprecedented surge in overall immigration at the
border, but I do think that it changed the perception of the American
people about what’s happening at the borders.
And so one of the things we’ve had -- have had to do is to work
through systematically to make sure that that specific problem in a
fairly defined area of the border, that we’re starting to deal with that
in a serious way. And the good news is we’ve started to make some
progress. I mean, what we’ve seen so far is that throughout the summer
the number of apprehensions have been decreasing -- maybe that’s
counterintuitive, but that’s a good thing because that means that fewer
folks are coming across. The number of apprehensions in August are down
from July, and they’re actually lower than they were August of last
year. Apprehensions in July were half of what they were in June. So
we’re seeing a significant downward trend in terms of these
unaccompanied children.
And what that I think allows us to do is to make sure that those kids
are being taken care of properly, with due process. At the same time,
it’s allowed us to then engage in a broader conversation about what we
need to do to get more resources down at the border. It would have been
helped along if Congress had voted for the supplemental that I asked
for; they did not. That means we’ve got to make some administrative
choices and executive choices about, for example, getting more
immigration judges down there.
So that has kept us busy, but it has not stopped the process of
looking more broadly about how do we get a smarter immigration system in
place while we’re waiting for Congress to act. And it continues to be
my belief that if I can’t see congressional action, that I need to do at
least what I can in order to make the system work better.
But some of these things do affect timelines, and we’re just going to
be working through as systematically as possible in order to get this
done. But have no doubt, in the absence of congressional action, I’m
going to do what I can to make sure the system works better.
Thank you, guys.
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END 4:39 P.M. EDT
iraq
Josh Jordan
