Candy Castillo Collantes was six months pregnant when she stepped inside the giant tent where she would live for the next 47 days.
Her enclosure at the South Texas detention center held dozens of bunk beds, she said, with one tiny slit for a window. Women wailed late into the night for their husbands and children. When Ms. Collantes experienced vaginal bleeding and asked for medical care at the facility, she and her lawyer said, she was offered only water, prenatal vitamins and a temperature check.
“It’s not a center that we know has a doctor,” Ms. Collantes, a 38-year-old Venezuelan who obtained temporary legal status under the Biden administration, said in an interview from the facility in late February. “The people here can’t tell you that everything is fine.”
Ms. Collantes had heard from other detainees about a woman who had gone into labor at their detention center months earlier.
She was terrified that she could be next.
Pregnant women who have been swept up in President Trump’s immigration crackdown have been held in detention centers as late as eight months into their pregnancies without adequate food or medical care, according to a New York Times examination of 10 cases. The Times review found that, in those cases, the Department of Homeland Security violated longstanding agency guidelines for how to treat pregnant women in detention, subjecting them to conditions that medical experts say can jeopardize the health of mothers and their babies.
Pregnant women said they were served food covered in cockroaches and water that tasted like bleach. They described how Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents shackled their hands and feet, refusing to believe that they were pregnant until a bump appeared. One woman said ICE agents ignored her as she lay on the floor screaming in pain, and took her to the emergency room only after her fellow inmates began banging on the door for help.
In November, a 22-year-old woman disembarked from her deportation flight in Honduras, five months pregnant and distraught. Immigration officers in the United States had flown her out of the country without asking her an important question: Did she have any kids? Her 2-year-old daughter was left behind.
“They didn’t ask me anything,” she said in Spanish, according to a new report from the Women’s Refugee Commission and Physicians for Human Rights.
The two nonprofits recently visited Honduras to speak with newly deported parents there. Over five days in November, researchers interviewed 29 people, as well as staffers from a Honduran reception center who had interacted with hundreds of other deportees.
The vast majority of parents said ICE had not asked them if they had kids, contrary to the agency’s own rules. “We’ve been tracking significant levels of family separation, in violation of the policies that the US government has to protect family unity,” says WRC’s Zain Lakhani.
ICE has long had guidelines for detained immigrant parents. Under the Biden administration, the rules required officers to record whether detainees had minor children at home, and to ensure the kids had someone to care for them. This is still true under the Trump administration, even though ICE weakened the guidelines significantly last July.
A 19-year-old Mexican teenager arrested over a minor traffic infraction died in an ICE facility in south Florida this week.
Royer Perez-Jimenez died on Monday of a “presumed suicide” in his cell at Glades County Detention Center in Moore Haven, Florida, according to a statement from ICE. His official cause of death remains under investigation.
The Trump administration has reshaped a lesser-known corner of the Justice Department to set immigration policy and escalate mass detentions and deportations.
An administrative court known as the Board of Immigration Appeals has published a body of immigration case law that significantly narrows the due process and relief from deportation available for immigrants, an NPR analysis of its decisions shows.
The White House has done that by shrinking the size of the board by nearly half — and stacking the remaining slate of 15 judges with President Trump's appointees.
Last year, their decisions backed Department of Homeland Security lawyers in 97% of publicly posted cases; that's at least 30 percentage points higher than the average from the last 16 years.
The board has made it harder for immigration courts to offer immigrants bond in lieu of detention. It's made it easier to deport migrants to countries other than their own. And a new proposed regulation would make it harder for people to appeal their immigration decisions at all.
The board did this last year while quickly pumping out 70 published decisions, a record number of precedent-setting cases.
Ranking Democrats on three House committees sent a letter Wednesday asking the DHS Inspector General to investigate allegations of corruption, mismanagement, and self-dealing at the department involving Lewandowski.
He amassed a staggering amount of power as her righthand man, including traveling with her to meet with world leaders, participating in high-level policy meetings, advising Noem on personnel decisions, arranging contractor meetings and reviewing contracts, and scheduling the secretary’s meetings with DHS officials and lobbyists.
At the same time, he has continued to pursue his business interests in the private sector and refused to provide financial disclosures.
Washington, D.C. — Today, Rep. Robert Garcia, Ranking Member of the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, released the following statement after Darren Indyke, long-time lawyer for Jeffrey Epstein and co-executor of Epstein’s estate, was deposed by the Oversight Committee. Survivors have shared with the Committee that Darren Indyke and Epstein accountant Richard Kahn may have known about Epstein’s activities and helped facilitate his crimes through their management of his legal and financial affairs.
“Darren Indyke played a central role in facilitating Jeffrey Epstein’s abuse of women and girls and managing legal strategies that helped Epstein avoid government scrutiny. In his deposition before the Committee, Indyke would not confirm or deny a settlement with Jane Doe 4, who accused Donald Trump and Jeffrey Epstein of abuse when she was a minor. However, he confirmed the existence of hard drives held by Epstein’s private investigators. These hard drives are of great interest to our committee. Survivors and victims of Jeffrey Epstein deserve to know the truth. Oversight Democrats will not stop until there’s full transparency about everyone complicit in Epstein’s crimes,” said Ranking Member Robert Garcia.
Oversight Democrats are eager to secure the hard drives held by Epstein’s private investigators. The subpoenas for Richard Kahn and Darren Indyke, close associates of Jeffrey Epstein, were issued after successful motions offered by Oversight Democrats and adopted on a bipartisan basis. Richard Kahn’s subpoena can be found here and Darren Indyke’s subpoena can be found here.
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Darren Indyke, Jeffrey Epstein’s longtime lawyer, told US House lawmakers on Thursday that he “had no knowledge whatsoever of Jeffrey Epstein’s wrongdoings” during his employment.
The deposition before the House oversight and reform committee on Thursday morning is behind closed doors, but according to a copy of Indyke’s opening statement provided to the Guardian by his attorney, Indyke told lawmakers that that his primary role “was to provide corporate, transactional and general legal services to Mr Epstein and his companies, and I did so”.
Indyke, who began working for Epstein in the 1990s, is testifying under subpoena as the panel continues its investigation into the late disgraced financier.
In a new oversight letter, Senators point to Trump officials’ use of personal email accounts to blatantly evade transparency laws and conduct sensitive official business related to efforts to unlawfully dismantle federal climate regulations
Washington, D.C. – Today, U.S. Senator Adam Schiff (D-Calif.), member of the U.S. Senate Committee on Environment and Public Works (EPW), is leading Senate Democrats in demanding answers on records revealing U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) officials engaged in repeated potential violations of the Federal Records Act, the Federal Advisory Committee Act, and the Freedom of Information Act by using personal email accounts to communicate and collaborate with the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) on work to support EPA’s rescission of the greenhouse gas endangerment finding.
“These emails illustrate that CWG members were intent from the start on manufacturing a false narrative that sought to inaccurately downplay the harms of climate change. In these emails, members of the working group repeatedly demonstrated their intent to evade transparency laws,” the Senators wrote.
The letter includes, for example, one of these exchanges: “CWG member Steven Koonin wrote from his Gmail account: “We should be mindful that our email communications that go to DOE addresses are subject to FOIA.” Mr. Koonin even asked fellow CWG member Roy Spencer: “Roy- is there are [sic] gmail address we can use for you, rather than the [University of Alabama Huntsman] address (which may itself be subject to FOIA)?”
“These emails from personal accounts also indicate coordination with EPA and clearly show that EPA requested the production of the report, purportedly to justify the agency’s rescission of the endangerment finding and associated termination of vehicle emissions rules,” the Senators continued.
The coordinator of the CWG, Travis Fisher, wrote, “the EPA team asked that the document be DOE-branded,” and “I’ve been told this summary of the science will be published as a technical support document relevant to a new proposed rule on tailpipe emissions standards for motor vehicles.”
The Senators are also asking whether Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) also engaged in similar practices regarding the use of personal emails, and coordination between DOE, EPA, and the White House.
In addition to Schiff, the letter was signed by Ranking Member of EPW Sheldon Whitehouse (D-R.I.). and Senators Edward Markey (D-Mass.) and Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.).
The full text of the letter can be found here and below.
Dear Secretary Wright and Administrator Zeldin:
We write to request answers from your agencies concerning the blatant use of personal email accounts by administration officials to evade public scrutiny laws and conduct sensitive official business related to your agencies’ efforts to unlawfully dismantle federal climate regulations. Records uncovered through litigation reveal that U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) appointees engaged in repeated potential violations of the Federal Records Act, the Federal Advisory Committee Act, and the Freedom of Information Act through the routine use of private email accounts to collaborate on the drafting of an error-riddled climate report requested by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) to help justify the rescission of the greenhouse gas endangerment finding. These records call into question to what extent DOE and EPA officials may have improperly used personal email accounts and resisted public records requests throughout your agencies’ work to produce the February 12, 2026, rescission of the greenhouse gas endangerment finding.
During litigation over the legality of DOE’s “Climate Working Group” (CWG)—a group of fossil fuel industry loyalists that was established to provide cover for EPA’s rescission of the endangerment finding—the court ordered DOE to turn over records related to the working group. These records revealed an extensive paper trail of working group members using their personal email accounts to develop the scientifically unsound report entitled, A Critical Review of Impacts of Greenhouse Gas Emissions on the U.S. Climate. These emails illustrate that CWG members were intent from the start on manufacturing a false narrative that sought to inaccurately downplay the harms of climate change.
In these emails, members of the working group repeatedly demonstrated their intent to evade transparency laws. For example, CWG member Steven Koonin wrote from his Gmail account: “We should be mindful that our email communications that go to DOE addresses are subject to FOIA.” Mr. Koonin even asked fellow CWG member Roy Spencer: “Roy- is there are [sic] gmail address we can use for you, rather than the [University of Alabama Huntsman] address (which may itself be subject to FOIA)?”
These emails from personal accounts also indicate coordination with EPA and clearly show that EPA requested the production of the report, purportedly to justify the agency’s rescission of the endangerment finding and associated termination of vehicle emissions rules. The coordinator of the CWG, Travis Fisher, wrote, “the EPA team asked that the document be DOE-branded,” and “I’ve been told this summary of the science will be published as a technical support document relevant to a new proposed rule on tailpipe emissions standards for motor vehicles.”
Further, a judge appointed by President Ronald Reagan held that the CWG violated the Federal Advisory Committee Act by working in secret to develop the report. It is clear that the administration recognizes that the DOE report is fundamentally tainted, as evidenced by EPA’s insistence in the final rescission of the endangerment finding that the agency “is not relying on” the report “for any aspect of this final action,” despite having cited the CWG group’s work numerous times in the proposed rule.
However, what is not clear and what deserves public scrutiny is to what extent DOE and EPA officials routinely use their personal email accounts to conduct official business and whether this practice was employed by EPA officials—as it was by DOE officials and CWG members— during work on the climate report or throughout the preparation of EPA’s rescission of the endangerment finding.
DOE’s failure to comply with the Freedom of Information Act also deserves public scrutiny. Several organizations have expressed that DOE has failed to produce any records in response to numerous Freedom of Information Act requests submitted to the Department throughout 2025. The fulfillment of public records requests under the Freedom of Information Act is not optional; it is required under the law.
Given the numerous apparent legal violations associated with DOE’s climate work and EPA’s rescission of the endangerment finding, we request responses to the following by March 31, 2026:
- Did any current or former EPA employees use personal email accounts to conduct business related to the February 12 rescission of the endangerment finding? If so, please provide all instances of such communications. If you do not currently know the answer to this question, please explain how you will evaluate whether this has occurred and what accountability measures you will employ to prevent any future issues.
- Did any current or former EPA employees use personal email accounts to coordinate with the DOE CWG? How did EPA personnel communicate the agency’s requests (referenced in the DOE CWG released email records) to the CWG?
- Did employees at DOE or EPA communicate with the White House or other agencies through personal emails, Signal chats, or other private messaging platforms regarding the development of either the July 23, 2025, DOE report or the EPA final agency action to rescind the endangerment finding? If so, please provide all instances of such communications.
- To what extent did DOE coordinate with EPA and the White House on this report? Did any coordination with the White House on the rescission of the endangerment finding occur outside of the Office of Information and Regulatory Affairs (OIRA) review process or with entities in the White House other than OIRA?
- Mr. Fisher wrote, “I am happy to relay any questions you all have to the relevant folks at DOE or other agencies.” What other agencies besides DOE and EPA were involved in this effort?
- During the preparation of either the CWG report or the endangerment finding rescission, did DOE or EPA employees use personal email accounts to communicate with outside stakeholders, such as oil and gas companies, trade associations, think tanks, nonprofits, or other groups? Did DOE or EPA employees hold any official or unofficial meetings with such stakeholders during the preparation of the CWG report or the endangerment finding rescission?
- What steps are you taking to ensure the preservation of relevant records sent via official or unofficial channels pursuant to the Federal Records Act?
- Will you commit to complying with all requests by the National Archives to preserve records or investigate breaches of the Federal Records Act at your agencies?
- Will DOE commit to providing records in response to outstanding Freedom of Information Act requests submitted to the Department during the year 2025?
- Given the CWG’s numerous violations of federal transparency laws, will you commit that both DOE and EPA will no longer work with Travis Fisher, John Christy, Judith Curry, Steven Koonin, Ross McKitrick, and Roy Spencer?
- What actions is DOE taking to ensure accountability for Seth Cohen and Joshua Loucks, two current DOE appointees who used their personal email accounts to communicate with the CWG?
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