By Richard Rubenstein
http://warisacrime.org/content/mood-not-movement-five-ideas-anti-trump-forces
Comrades and friends, I am not writing to advise you how to resist
the Trump regime. There are as many action proposals in circulation as
there are anti-Trump groups, with “resistance” the buzzword of the
moment. But resistance against what, exactly, and for what purposes?
Most of the tactical proposals I have seen are strangely devoid of
political content. It seems that anti-Trump is more a mood than a
movement with shared aims. It is a negative sentiment shared by most of
the identity and interest groups that formed part of the Democratic
Party coalition (or, as the President himself would put it, by the
losers) during the 2016 election.
The spread of public protests against the new regime’s immigration
ban and other initiatives is heartening to those who oppose these
measures. Yet, protest by itself doesn’t create a movement. Spending
one’s days reacting to Donald Trump’s misstatements, prejudices, and
cruelties risks repeating the mistakes of the presidential campaign,
when the country split 50-50, more or less, and a right-wing populist
appeal aimed primarily at working class Americans generated an electoral
vote majority for the Tweeter-in-Chief. Outrage provoked by Trump’s
character, rhetoric, and behavior is inevitable. Even so, this is a
time for hard thinking and conversation, not just outraged action.
(This is the point of Slavoj Zizek’s 2015 video, “Don’t act, just
think.” Take a look at it at
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FLOTi2498xg.)
We dearly need to spend more time talking with each other about what
the underlying problems are and what kinds of organization and action
are needed to start solving them. I have a few preliminary ideas about
how to frame the issues requiring discussion. If you find any of them
interesting, let’s talk further about what a credible program for real
change would look like, and how to organize a coherent movement to
realize it.
Idea #1: Trumpism is a symptom, not the disease.
Once upon a time, the American system started to fail. On the
economic front, vast areas of the country de-industrialized, wages
stagnated, inequality soared, and poverty or near-poverty became
endemic. So did criminal activity, police violence, substance abuse,
mental illness, community decay, and other ills associated with
socioeconomic stagnation and decline. Family and communal bonds frayed
under the pressure. Public schools became increasingly dysfunctional.
In politics, the two-party system produced little more than
partisanship, gridlock, endless foreign wars, and a bureaucracy
dedicated to serving favored interest groups. Americans insecure about
their declining status felt threatened by the slippage of their
influence abroad and the challenges of changing mores and
multiculturalism at home. Discontent finally reached the point that
workers and middle class folk long associated with the Democratic Party
in key states like Michigan, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Wisconsin, and Florida
abandoned the Democrats in sufficient numbers to hand a new type of
Republican – the nationalist/populist Donald Trump – a presidential
victory.
A system in trouble – a sociopolitical structure that regularly
produces shattered hopes and civil violence – is the problem. Trumpism
is a symptom of our failure to solve it. Worse yet, by offering a set
of generically false solutions, it almost inevitably ensures
that systemic failures will continue.
What I mean by “generically
false” can be illustrated by a syllogism:
(1) The American social system remains basically healthy;
(2) But all sorts of social ills and dangers to Americans are multiplying.
(3) Ergo, the sources of these ills and dangers must lie mostly
outside
the system. The troublemakers are foreign governments, terrorists, and
immigrants, abetted by local groups that put their own interests ahead
of those of the Nation and domestic leaders who lack the determination,
courage, and toughness needed to deal with these threats. In other
words, these sources of decline are not only “un-American” for the most
part, but also un-structural; they are produced by
personal
characteristics like malice, greed, laziness, and – above all – failures
of willpower. (A propaganda movie commissioned by the new
administration might well be called “The Triumph of the Will.”)
But isn’t this also the way many of the President’s opponents also
think? I have heard anti-Trump activists blame the loss of the election
on foreigners (Vladimir Putin, in particular), domestic racists and
other misguided “deplorables,” Hillary Clinton’s lack of charisma, and
the arrogance and dogmatism of the anti-Clinton Left. I have also heard
them dwell obsessively on Trump’s personal failings and peculiarities,
his and his followers’ racial and religious prejudices, the
anti-scientific known-nothing-ism of the climate change deniers, and the
Far Right’s maleficent intentions to enrich the rich and persecute the
poor. No doubt, Trump’s “America First” rhetoric and belligerent
behavior invite a counter-attack in kind. Yet playing the personalist
game leaves the country very close to where it was in November 2016 –
divided roughly 50/50, with at least half the nation aggrieved and
alienated by the results of system failure. This suggests a second
notion:
Idea #2: The problem isn’t Donald Trump’s or Steve Bannon’s ‘radicalism.’ Oppositionists need to be moreradical than they are, not less.
Consider the President’s inaugural speech, an angry tirade that
described closed factories scattered “like tombstones” across the land,
“carnage” in city streets, and America as a global power in decline.
This rhetoric the
New York Times and
Washington Post found shocking – just shocking! Things aren’t nearly so bad as the upstart realtor alleged, they replied
. Business is recovering, the crime rate is falling, and we really are “great,” just as Hillary said.
Have liberals learned so little from the
naqba of 2016?
Anti-Trumps flaunting their own rectitude and high-culture credentials
continue to talk about Trump like a Henry James heroine appraising a
fortune-hunting adventurer. What a vulgar upstart the fellow is! How
rude and obnoxious! Whatever one thinks of Trump’s breeding and
motives, however, things are
not ok for working people in
America. The new president’s references to industrial tombstones and
urban carnage seemed perfectly accurate to a great many of them. That
(plus racial and religious
ressentiment) is why so many either voted for him last November or stayed home.
We need to be more radical than Trump, not less. This means understanding that America’s social problems are
systemic, and that solving them will probably mean changing the system in some basic ways. I argue in a recent book (
Resolving Structural Conflicts: How Violent Systems Can Be Transformed)
that the alternative to systemic criticism and change is “partisan
moralism” – a type of thinking that blames all one’s social and
political problems on the other side’s personal defects. This is what
happens when liberal critics characterize the President and his cronies
as bad boys and girls out to challenge the rules of respectability,
conventional diplomacy, world order, and free trade.
I do not mean to oversimplify this issue. There
can be a
spillover from behavior that is simply rude and boorish to behavior that
endangers democratic norms. Trump’s angry attacks on judges,
journalists, and political opponents are troubling. Even so, there is
something inherently
conservative, isn’t there, about this
constant criticism of the man’s “uncivilized” behavior? Such attacks
are aimed at rallying all the forces of Order, from Wall Street bankers
to well brought-up Bernie-ites, to resist changes threatened by the new
regime. Take a look at Thomas Friedman’s or David Brooks’s op-ed pieces
for the
New York Times and you will see how upset neoliberal
critics are by the President’s defiance of traditional norms and the
elites that support them. Such critics slide easily from disapproving
of Trump’s vulgar tweets to condemning his heretical views on NATO and
Russia.
Most important, focusing on Trump’s personal failings keeps us from
confronting the more serious challenges of his and Bannon’s proposed New
Order.. In a brilliant article in
Dissent magazine, the
philosopher Nancy Fraser describes and analyzes the Clintonite alliance
between identity groups seeking emancipation and corporate elites that
fell apart in November 2016. “Progressive liberalism,” she declares, is
over (
https://www.dissentmagazine.org/online_articles/progressive-neoliberalism-reactionary-populism-nancy-fraser).
The need to develop an alternative “progressive populist” program
raises at least three crucial questions for anti-Trump forces and,
ultimately, for pro-Trump groups as well. These topics are (a) economic
restructuring, (b) ethical globalism, and (c) democratic (small “d”)
renewal. Each topic, I suggest, requires a different type of public
discussion. Let’s take a closer look at them.
Idea #3: We need to talk together NOW about alternatives to “economic nationalism” and the capitalist system.
At a time like this, it may seem counterintuitive to put radical
economic reform on the political agenda. Faced with Trumpism and its
dangers, there is an understandable tendency for people to shun debates
that might threaten to disunite the opposition. But an opposition
consisting primarily of racial, ethnic, sexual, and religious identity
groups is already disunited. An opposition that seeks to join
anti-Trump progressives with anti-Trump conservatives is even more so –
it constitutes what old-time leftists used to call a “rotten bloc.”
Subordinating the issue of social class to a mélange of other causes
seems to me a potentially fatal error.
Here’s why.
If the capitalist system, as it operates today
in America and elsewhere, is basically healthy – if all that is needed
to put people to work, satisfy their basic needs, and restore their
faith in economic progress are moderate reforms such as liberal
proposals to tax the rich or conservative proposals to “untax” and
deregulate them, there is no need to think about more radical changes.
But if the system is basically in crisis – if, without major changes,
another generation of working and middle class people will likely be
condemned to poverty, precarity, and social demoralization – we need to
talk
now about how to reconstruct the economy. In fact, if the system is
not
fundamentally healthy, the choice will not be between liberalism and
conservatism at all, but between some form of fascism and some form of
socialism.
We can already see this choice hovering on the horizon. In winning
the 2016 election, Donald Trump appealed to the half-hidden racism,
misogyny, and xenophobia of white people fearful of losing social status
and political clout. But these appeals would have gotten nowhere
without a socioeconomic program designed to capitalize on working class
misery – a goulash that can be summed up in two words:
economic nationalism.
Noting – correctly – that American working people have been exploited
or neglected for decades by powerful globalizing interests (interests
absurdly labeled “Washington” by right wing ideologues), Trump and
Bannon promise to restore domestic industries and the workers dependent
upon them to health by adopting an “America First” economic program.
More specifically, they propose to compel big companies to keep their
production facilities in the U.S., jawbone Big Pharma into lowering drug
prices, tax or place tariffs on manufactured imports, slash taxes on
the rich and super-rich, relieve Wall Street investors and companies of
“burdensome” government regulations, cancel or renegotiate trade
agreements, modernize and expand U.S. military forces, and – the piece
de resistance – initiate a huge new public works program to rebuild
roads, bridges, dams, the electrical grid, and other elements of the
national infrastructure.
We have not yet seen these proposals put in the form of legislation
or executive orders, but that will surely happen. Robert Reich and
other Democratic liberals have criticized them as “trickle down
economics dressed in populist garb,” opining that they will further
enrich the wealthy
without creating jobs, raising wages,
reducing poverty, or mitigating inequality. Interestingly, many
conservatives agree that Trump’s populism will remain a matter of
symbolic gestures, while market forces ultimately decide which companies
move abroad or stay put, how drugs are priced, how high tariff levels
go, whether or not to replace live workers with machines, and so forth.
What these middle-of-the-road opinions ignore, however, is that, if the
economy continues to stagnate and to generate inequality,
Trump/Bannon’s economic nationalism could turn out to be a lot more like
Benito Mussolini’s New Order than Ronald Reagan’s Morning in America.
Suppose that the proposed program to rebuild the infrastructure
(already endorsed by two national unions of construction workers) does
not create that many jobs or raise incomes substantially. Even so, it
may give the impression that the regime is trying to put the working
class back on its feet. More important, if a limited program of
government intervention doesn’t work, America First economics, already
tending toward corporatism, “fortress America” autarky, and forcing
business executives to behave, could move in a consciously authoritarian
(i.e., fascist) direction. For example, the regime could sponsor a
larger public works program under regulations dictating the terms of
employment, limiting automation, sponsoring “friendly” trade unions, and
interfering with the labor market in other ways. (That’s what
Mussolini did.) Worse yet, if economic growth proves too slow to offset
the budgetary deficits produced by tax cuts and public works spending,
Trump & Co. could attempt to solve that problem by involving the
nation in a major war. (That’s what Hitler did.)
People worried about what Richard Falk calls the current regime’s
“pre-fascist” leanings need to talk now about alternative forms of
economic restructuring that could restore the American and global
economies to health. A discussion of socialist measures, among others,
seems overdue. Clearly, since many Americans have been taught to
identify “the S word” with totalitarianism, one immediate task will be
to show in practical terms how activist governments, local as well as
national, can operate under the effective control of working people
rather than some bureaucratic elite. At the same time, discussants
should look with a critical eye at European versions of social democracy
that have tried to give capitalism a human face, but without solving
economic problems at a fundamental structural level. (Bernie Sanders’
proposals, interesting though they were, never reached this level
either.)
The discussions we need – and which a number of us hope to organize
soon – should include a wide range of social visions ranging from
Bernie’s reform proposals to more radical approaches being advanced by
Marxists, cooperativists, Greens, feminists, and others. Economic
libertarians should not be turned away either, if they have something to
contribute to the discussion. These ideas may not be able to be
implemented immediately, but that’s ok. The point is to be ready for
the crucial moments when working people understand that economic
nationalism doesn’t work, and when they begin searching in earnest for
more thoroughgoing and effective answers.
Idea #4: ‘America First’ is a moral abomination. We need
to discuss the possibility of developing Ethical Globalism as a
realistic, morally satisfying alternative to nation-worship.
Watching people who consider themselves progressive responding to the
new government’s “America First” proposals is a bit like viewing a
professional wrestling match. The wrestlers try to outsmart and
outperform each other, but it doesn’t matter in the end, since the game
is phony by definition. What difference does it make who “wins,” when
the only real winner is the World Wrestling Federation?
So, when Donald Trump preaches that American workers are
underemployed because their jobs have been outsourced, some progressives
agree, while others mutter about jobs being lost to automation. Few or
none challenge the assumption that putting Americans to work is far more
important than finding jobs for Greek, Egyptian, or Chinese workers.
Similarly, when Trump proposes to close our borders to immigrants, his
opponents answer that immigrants don’t take American jobs or commit many
crimes, and that immigration is good for America. They hardly ever
argue that people living in impoverished, violence-ridden nations have a
right to emigrate and to make better lives for themselves
elsewhere. Ditto where the question concerns America’s world
“leadership” (a euphemism for military hegemony). The liberals think
that soft power is better than the harder sort, but they have very
little to say about the fundamental concept of hegemonic leadership. In
fact, they blame Donald Trump for
weakening U.S. power by
cozying up to the Russians and challenging “traditional” concepts of a
world order policed by American diplomats and troops.
The game is fixed when the assertion that America should be First is
answered, as it almost always is, “Yes, but not by doing violent or
repressive things to vulnerable people.” Anti-Trumps hardly ever
answer, “No, America shouldn’t be First. Nobody should be First.”
Why don’t most liberals they call out the America Firsters? One
possibility is that they share the same faith, although their
expressions of it are more civilized than those of crude
fundamentalists. (High Church Firsters, one might call them!) Another
possibility is that many are actually ethical globalists – people who
believe in the essential equality of all humans and in the need to
construct a global commonwealth dedicated to peace and social justice.
The problem, in their view, is that realizing this vision is not
feasible in the current sociopolitical environment, and that expressing
it will isolate its advocates and strengthen the most reactionary and
fascistic elements of the nationalist movement.
Very well. Let’s distinguish what is morally and politically right
from what is immediately feasible. Clearly, underemployed workers and
struggling middle class folks want jobs, opportunities, and assistance,
not lectures on the rights of underemployed foreigners and refugees. At
the same time, though, if our countrymen and women don’t understand
that the interdependence of American society with all other societies is
a fact, not “fake news,” they will be doomed to live in an increasingly
dangerous fantasy world. We can’t let them continue, unchallenged, to
equate globalism with the globalization of capital! We need to discuss
how to help them understand that the welfare and security of American
working people depend on empowering and enriching workers around the
globe. And the same thing is true when the topic is America’s alleged
cultural superiority to other peoples. Those opposed to the current
wave of nation-worship need to talk with religious and ethical leaders
about how to spread the word (actually, the Good News) that there are no
Chosen nations, and that we are no more or less deserving of wealth and
security than the other people inhabiting this planet.
Ditto with regard to the assumption that world society is a jungle
(or a “clash of civilizations”) in which we Americans must either kill
or be killed. We need to discuss how best to explain that the natural
(and obtainable) condition of humankind is not a war of each against
all, but a cooperative global commonwealth. Rabbi Michael Lerner and
Frida Berrigan put the matter nicely when they call for a new type of
patriotism “that embraces all peoples and all national traditions and
cultures even while celebrating one's own cultures and traditions” (
http://www.tikkun.org/tikkundaily/2017/02/16/loving-america-and-resisting-trump-the-new-patriotism).
Religious and ethical leaders can recognize and help others recognize
that America First thinking, which makes the Nation the supreme value,
is not patriotism. It is simply the latest form of Baal-worship.
Idea #5: We need to come together in local and national assemblies to rethink and renovate American democracy.
There seems little reason to doubt that recent political events in
the United States are the result of systemic problems, not just
anomalous circumstances. Yes, Russians hackers may have meddled in the
2016 election. Yes, F.B.I. Director Comey made prejudicial comments
when he should have kept his mouth shut. Still, when one considers the
structural factors that contributed to a chaotic, vituperative, money-ridden electoral contest, the matter speaks for itself.
By 2016, the two major political parties, increasingly partisan and
ineffective, had lost the nation’s confidence, and people’s distrust of
government had reached an all-time high. Both parties suffered
significant internal splits during their nominating campaigns and
nominated presidential candidates with sky high disapproval ratings. In
the election itself, the winning candidate ran as much against his own
party’s leaders as on their behalf. On Election Day more than 90
million eligible voters stayed home. The percentage that voted was
57.9%, the lowest turnout since the year 2000, and the new president’s
initial approval ratings were the lowest ever recorded.
Meanwhile, the divisions among Americans exposed and exacerbated by
the campaign continue to intensify. This is not, it seems clear, merely
the product of President Trump’s pugnacity. Five months before the
election, the Pew Research Center reported that, “For the first time in
surveys dating to 1992, majorities in both parties express not just
unfavorable but
very unfavorable views of the other party. And
today, sizable shares of both Democrats and Republicans say the other
party stirs feelings of not just frustration, but fear and anger”
(http://www.people-press.org/2016/06/22/partisanship-and-political-animosity-in-2016/).
Following Mr. Trump’s victory, not only were increases reported in acts
of politically motivated violence, but also popular dating websites
revealed that their clients were insisting that potential dates announce
themselves as pro- or anti-Trump. When political differences invade
the eroti-sphere, you know that domestic conflicts are escalating!
This situation points to two more questions urgently requiring
discussion. First, we know that intergroup struggles in modern America
are rooted in both socioeconomic inequalities and a clash of cultures. A
glance at the red and blue areas demarcated on the electoral map of
2016, as well as a look at Trump’s recent executive orders, suggests
that the “culture wars” analyzed by James Davison Hunter in his famous
1992 study are, if anything, more hotly contested now than they were
then, although their foci and dynamics have changed. These divisions,
fusing economic, cultural, and religious differences, are intensifying.
The question is what can be done to understand them more fully and to
mitigate their causes.
The good news is that conflict resolvers have developed several forms
of conversation particularly well suited to help parties deal with this
sort of conflict. One such form, the interactive or “problem solving”
workshop is a confidential, facilitated dialogue, repeated at intervals,
that permits participants to explore the deep sources of their mutual
alienation and to imagine creative new ways of working things out.
Participants can be community or group leaders, people in mid-level
roles, or grass roots folks. This process, like certain forms of public
dialogue, does not aim at ending the conflict immediately so much as at
helping the parties to speak directly to each other, analyze their
situation, humanize their adversaries, and discover how to prevent their
differences from destroying lives, communities, and people’s peace of
mind. In some cases (Northern Ireland was one, Mozambique another), it
can even lead the parties to decide to act cooperatively to alter a
conflict-generating situation.
A second, related inquiry is this: why is the U.S. political system,
which is supposed to manage or resolve these conflicts, failing to do
so? What are the structural deficiencies of this system and how can
they be remedied? We can start by recognizing that people generally
want their government to be both effective and participatory.
Effective
means that an administration works actively to solve the problems that
interfere with achieving public order, freedom, and social justice.
Participatory
means that the government responds to forces operating from the bottom
or middle up, rather than just taking orders from an economic elite or
giving orders as a political elite. We need to talk together in local,
regional, and national gatherings about how to reconstruct a system that
lacks both effectiveness and participation.
The problem is that political institutions designed to manage
conflicts and make policies in times of relative domestic peace, when
there are few serious divisions of opinion, may break down when
confronted by intense and long-lasting differences of the sort that now
divide so many Americans. The two-party system, for example, seems to
work best when there is considerable overlap between the political
coalitions that constitute each party, since this permits relative
“moderates” on each side to negotiate and reach compromise agreements.
When the coalitions do not overlap and the parties separate
ideologically, what stabilized the system in more peaceful times can
turn out to be a source of instability, like an ocean liner’s
stabilizers capsizing the ship in a heavy storm. In heavy political
storms, some people believe that a multi-party system provides a better
basis for governing effectively than a two-party system, since it may
help satisfy people’s needs for effective government and meaningful
participation.
Let’s talk about the two party system, but also about institutions
like the American system of campaign financing, widely considered to be a
thinly disguised form of officially sanctioned bribery. People
interested in renovating democracy could also reconsider our
winner-take-all voting systems, which prevent political minorities from
sharing power (or, in the case of the electoral vote system, which
disempower electoral majorities!). Would more participatory systems,
like the cumulative voting used in some states and nations, be an
improvement?
Finally, such discussions could be expanded well beyond electoral
issues. For example, we know there are non-adversarial methods of
problem solving, open to public participation, which may work better in
some situations than the traditional methods of power politics. How
might we move from a win-lose political culture towards cooperative
problem solving?
I don’t have convincing answers to such questions. The only thing
I’m certain of, in the words of the late Joan Rivers, is that “We need
to talk” – and not just about Donald Trump’s foibles! The controversial
presidential campaign and Mr. Trump’s activities in office have
generated a great wave of political anxiety and interest in the country,
but unless his opponents find ways to focus their thinking on a
discrete number of vital issues – and unless they begin to discover
creative, practical solutions to underlying systemic problems – the wave
could leave them beached. (Remember the Occupy movement.)
Resist what needs to be resisted? Certainly! But, whatever else
happens, let’s start talking now about what we are for, not just what we
are against – that is about transformative solutions to real social
problems.
--
David Swanson is an author, activist, journalist, and radio host. He is director of
WorldBeyondWar.org and campaign coordinator for
RootsAction.org. Swanson's books include
War Is A Lie. He blogs at
DavidSwanson.org and
WarIsACrime.org. He hosts
Talk Nation Radio.
He is a 2015, 2016, 2017 Nobel Peace Prize Nominee.
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@davidcnswanson and
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