Thursday, February 09, 2012

I Hate The War

Today's snapshot noted the Sadr Festival and I knew we'd have to return to it tonight.

The public account (which is where visitors e-mail) is obsessed with flag burning. Some opposed to it, some for it. A few thinking I might be interpreting the Sadr Festival wrongly.

That last group? You may very well be correct. That's why this statement follows my comparison of the attitude on display to Tehran in 1979: "Now maybe that's just me being overly cautious or paranoid or whatever." I absolutely could be interpreting it wrong. I've already allowed for that in the snapshot so I think we've dealt with it and can move on to the other issues.

Iraq was invaded. The Iraqi people have every right to be appalled by that. Appalled by the occupation. Appalled by the war. And if they want to burn a flag that's their business. It doesn't bother me and I don't think, "Oh, it's the American flag!!!!!" We usually noted it during the Friday protests if one was burned. I didn't see it as surprising or the end of the world.

Nor do I support passing laws in the US to outlaw burning the US flag here. It's political speech. If that's the speech someone wants to express, that's their business.

But what took place at the Sadr Festival (that's what I'm calling the festival in Sadr City) wasn't a small group of activists (or even a big group) attempting to express themselves. This was a government sanctioned rally. And every bit of it was carefully orchestrated and planned. That included the men in yellow suits who destroyed the US and British 'flags' (they were reproductions painted on what appeared to be Styrofoam).

I do see that differently. I do see the Iraqi government putting forward a demonstration like that very differently. None of the exiles would've returned -- let alone be in power now -- were it not for the US and other countries invading. That's what the exiles worked and worked on for approximately a decade (starting almost immediately after the end of the first Gulf War). And now they want to act like they were the ones wronged? They want to pretend like they stand with the Iraqi people in opposing a US invasion?

They lobbied for it -- officially and unofficially. In terms of the US, they met with and were debriefed by the CIA.

The Iraq War was illegal. I'll never deny that. And I have tremendous sympathy for those who were sent to Iraq by their governments for this war and for those Iraqis who were just trying to live their lives. But I have no sympathy for the exiles.

I realize it's good domestic politics within Iraq for these exiles to attack the US and other countries. But it goes beyond biting the hand that feeds you. The exiles wanted the Iraq War, lobbied for it and only managed to take their cowardly asses back to Iraq after the start of the Iraq War, after foreign forces invaded. And now they want to act like they're outraged by the war. That's lying, that's revisionary. And hopefully most Iraqis realize it the same way we usually do in this country when politicians lie to the people.

By that being a government sanctioned event, the Sadr Festival, it encourages those feelings to be expressed and to be expressed in something 'stronger.' I am not joking or trying to be cute when I say that to me it came off like Tehran in 1979. That's what it looked like. And I would argue that it's time for the US to leave the consulates around the country because those aren't safe. That demonstration means that the next expression of the hatred/hurt/anger needs something more than a symbolic display. And that puts everyone off the Baghdad Embassy in danger.

This idea that they were going to do this and that and educate and help, it should have died with the Sadr Festival. And although the Baghdad Embassy can withstand attacks -- it's built for that purpose -- those are external attacks. What happens if the attack comes from within? If that happens, we see what no one ever wanted to recognize about the ethnic cleansing. The walls went up. The walls were supposed to be protection. They went up throughout Baghdad. And if you were the governing sect, they did offer you some protection. If you weren't, they were barriers and barricades that routed you. The protection became a prison. The same could happen with the Baghdad Embassy. It is designed to protect the staff from what's outside the walls. But if the attackers made it inside -- as a force or with a bomb -- then the protection becomes a prison and the number injured and killed rises significantly just because of how the embassy was designed.

The smart thing to do would have been to end the war and occupation. That didn't happen. And it didn't happen for a reason. When Senator Rand Paul just tried to repeal the authorization, it didn't happen. The greed of empire is its own prison and possibly those suffering from empire lust within the administration can't see the death trap they've created for the 16,000 to 17,000 that remain in Iraq in some State Dept capacity.


It's over, I'm done writing songs about love
There's a war going on
So I'm holding my gun with a strap and a glove
And I'm writing a song about war
And it goes
Na na na na na na na
I hate the war
Na na na na na na na
I hate the war
Na na na na na na na
I hate the war
Oh oh oh oh
-- "I Hate The War" (written by Greg Goldberg, on The Ballet's Mattachine!)

Last week, ICCC's number of US troops killed in Iraq since the start of the illegal war was 4487. Tonight it's [PDF format warning] 4487. Here's the screen snap:

2912

The e-mail address for this site is common_ills@yahoo.com.




Iraq snapshot

Thursday, February 9, 2012.  Chaos and violence continue, Iraq's Parliament discusses two Iraqi military officers who are reportedly spying on behalf of the United States government, an MP's brother turns up dead, big news for the peace movement out of Chicago, the US Congress examines who's watching veterans benefits, and more.
 
Infoshop News reports some major US peace news, "A settlement has been reached in the class action law suit Vodak v. City of Chicago, brought against the Chicago Police Department on behalf of over 700 protestors who were falsely arrested during a demonstration against the Iraq war on March 20, 2003. On that date, over 10,000 protestors demonstrated in Chicago against the U.S. invasion of Iraq, marching through downtown streets and up Lake Shore Drive before Chicago Police surrounded, detained and arrested over 700 people." The Chicagoist adds that the National Lawyers Guild and People's Law Office have "worked on the case for nine years" and quotes the People's Law Office stating: "Based on our collective experience litigating police misconduct cases for decades, we feel very positive about this settlement and about the amount of compensation for each sub-class member. We also believe that such a significant settlement will send an unequivocal message to the City of Chicago and its Police Department that they must respect you right to demonstrate."  The National Lawyers Guild issued the following:
 
Contact:
Nathan Tempey,
Communications Coordinator 
(212) 679-5100, ext. 15
"Looking ahead to a spring of protests, Chicago Mayor Rahm Emmanuel and his peers around the country should take note," said National Lawyers Guild Executive Director Heidi Boghosian. "Short-sighted attempts to extinguish free speech often come at great expense."
A Seventh Circuit ruling on the case (Vodak v. City of Chicago, 639 F.3d, 738 (2011)) holds that police cannot arrest peaceful protesters without warning just because a demonstration lacks a permit. The decision bears new weight in light of mass arrests of Occupy Chicago protesters this winter, as well as recently ratified, far-reaching city ordinances that aim to squelch protests of the G8 and NATO summits in May.
The over 700 plaintiffs in the Vodak suit will receive compensation up to $15,000 each, and Guild lawyers are negotiating additional payments for class representatives and class members who were required to give depositions.
"The rights of dissenting Chicagoans could have been buried under the county jail," Boghosian said. "Instead, thanks to years of tireless work by Guild members, those rights have been vindicated."
The city's settlement offer comes on the eve of a scheduled trial. The suit was litigated over the course of almost nine years by a team of NLG lawyers and legal workers including People's Law Office attorneys Janine Hoft, Joey Mogul, Sarah Gelsomino, and John Stainthorp, as well as People's Law Office paralegal Brad Thomson, and attorneys Melinda Power and Jim Fennerty.
The team has reached settlements totaling over $300,000 in other excessive force lawsuits stemming from the 2003 protest.
For more information and updates on the settlement visit peopleslawoffice.com.
The National Lawyers Guild was founded in 1937 and is the oldest and largest public interest/human rights bar organization in the United States. Its headquarters are in New York and it has chapters in every state.
###
 
Heidi Boghosian and co-hosts  Michael S. Smith and Michael Ratner (Center for Constitutional Rights) produce a weekly radio progam entitled  this week's Law and Disorder Radio which airs Monday mornings at 9:00 a.m. EST on WBAI and around the country throughout the week (and is always streaming at the website).  There may not be time for them to cover this on the program which starts airing Mondy but you can be sure that they will cover it shortly. And it is a big victory.
 
 
In Iraq today,  Al Mada reports that the CIA's mission in Iraq (and Greg Miller's Washington Post article) was discussed by the Parliament's Commission on Security and Defense. The discussion noted that the US is still in control of Iraqi air "under the pretext" of protecting their diplomatic mission. The Commission also discussed two officers in the Iraqi forces who are said to be paid spies/informants for the US government and supply information for the monthly salary they receive. The two Iraqis, who are not named, are the subject of an ongoing investigation and are expected to be charged at the end of the investigation.

Two other Iraqis, two young males, took their own lives. Aswat al-Iraq reports they died in Amara as part of a joint-suicide and that it was over "a family feud." Aswat al-Iraq also notes an attack in Kirkuk by unknown assailants left 1 police officer dead and three more wounded. For others, today is a day of celebration. Dar Addustour notes a festival taking place, a Festival of the Sadrist Movement, to celebrate the departure of so many US forces. Salam Faraj (AFP) explains this latest celebration resulted in "tens of thousands" attending the ceremonies in Sadr City and quotes Moqtada al-Sadr from his pre-recorded number, "The armies of resistance terrified the occupiers, so they left after they lost. [. . .] The occupying forces were working for strife and destruction and to destabilize security. The occupier is not the one who can bring peace and safety to Iraq, but rather you, and only you."  Press TV declares "millions" took part -- Jill Reilly (Daily Mail) says those present were "mostly men and boys" and AP's video suggests that might actually be an undercount.  Iraqi flags were waived, towers were climbed, Moqtada appeared on a jumbo screen, balloons were released, and yellow suited participants stomped the British and US flags painted on what appears to be styrofoam.  Sadr City is a section of Baghdad which means if Nouri's enforcing the rules properly, this was a rally that required a permit.  I do have a point here.  This was an official event, led by one of Iraq's most prominent Shi'ite particiants.  And they symbolically stomped on the flags of the United Kingdom and the United State so explain to me why the hell the US government is providing one more dollar to this thuggish regime?
 
The Iraq War is illegal.  I have no expectations that Iraqis are in love with the US.  But these thugs who were put in power by the United States and still depend on aid from the United States?  There's a world of difference between these official functions -- and this was official -- and what happens in Tahrir Square.  A jumbo screen was put up for Moqtada.  That thing was huge.  And the government of Iraq is in fact stomping on both the British and American flags.  So there's no reason for either government to provide a damn thing to Nouri.  Repeating, this is different than Tahrir Square and I've never called them out for burning a US flag and wouldn't.  But this should have been a permitted march, it had security, it had prepared parts to it and that huge jumbo screen. 
 
The New York Times' Tim Arango was on NPR's Morning Edition yesterday (link has audio and text) discussing his report on the US State Dept in Iraq with Steve Inskeep and Arango noted of hostility towards the US within Iraq, "It also suggests how easy an issue the American presence is for Iraqi politicians to sort of demagogue on, and to use with their own public.  They don't want to be seen in public supporting the Americans or accommodating them in every way."  The stomping on the 'flags' and the cheering crowds were an awful lot like, highly reminescent of, the street activity in Iran before the US Embassy in Tehran was seized.  Now maybe that's just me being overly cautious or paranoid or whatever.  But if Americans are seized (more than likely it would be outside of the Baghdad compound) in Iraq, networks should cue up that AP footage and ask why it didn't alarm the US government in real time?

 

In other news, Aswat al-Iraq reports, "A leading al-Qaeda Commander, of Saudi nationality and holding the post of Military Emir (Prince) of al-Qaeda in northern Iraq's city of Mosul, has been sentenced to death by the Central Iraqi Criminal Court, according to a statement from within the High Judicial Council on Wednesday." The government of Iraq has been on a major killing spree of late. Already having a 'legal' system that's a joke throughout the world wasn't enough for the Iraqi government and now they apparently want to be seen as having a backward and brutal 'legal' system far beyond their practice of forced confession. Human Rights Watch issued the following this morning:


(Washington, DC) -- Iraqi authorities should halt all executions and abolish the death penalty, Human Rights Watch said today. Since the beginning of 2012, Iraq has executed at least 65 prisoners, 51 of them in January, and 14 more on February 8, for various offenses.
"The Iraqi government seems to have given state executioners the green light to execute at will,"said Joe Stork, deputy Middle East director at Human Rights Watch. "The government needs to declare an immediate moratorium on all executions and begin an overhaul of its flawed criminal justice system."
Human Rights Watch is particularly concerned that Iraqi courts admit as evidence confessions obtained under coercion. The government should disclose the identities, locations, and status of all prisoners on death row, the crimes for which they have been convicted, court records for their being charged, tried, and sentenced, and details of any impending executions, Human Rights Watch said.
A Justice Ministry official confirmed to Human Rights Watch on February 8 that authorities had executed 14 prisoners earlier in the day. "You should expect more executions in the coming days and weeks," the official added.
According to the United Nations, more than 1,200 people are believed to have been sentenced to death in Iraq since 2004. The number of prisoners executed during that period has not been revealed publicly. Iraqi law authorizes the death penalty for close to 50 crimes, including terrorism, kidnapping, and murder, but also including such offenses as damage to public property.
Human Rights Watch opposes capital punishment in all circumstances because of its inhumane nature and its finality. International human rights law requires that, where it has not been abolished, the death penalty be imposed only in cases for the most serious crimes in which the judicial system has scrupulously complied with fair trial standards, including the rights of the defendant to competent defense counsel, to be presumed innocent until proven guilty, and not to be compelled to confess guilt.
Criminal trials in Iraq often violate these minimum guarantees, Human Rights Watch said. Many defendants are unable to pursue a meaningful defense or to challenge evidence against them, and lengthy pretrial detention without judicial review is common.
 
 

Jill Reilly (Daily Mail) notes, "Iraq primarily uses hanging as a method of execution."  Reuters adds these executions come "despite objections from the United Nations human rights chief."  Mohammed Tawfeeq (CNN) notes a statement Iraq's Ministry of Judiciary has posted online, "Questioning the credibility of the Iraqi judiciary system by the U.N. High Commissioner is (a) strange thing and the High Commissioner should also (be) aware of the size of the challenges that Iraq is facing by terrorist groups who had committed heinous crimes and mass executions against innocent people."  UPI notes that the executions are seen by some as also part of Nouri al-Maliki's targeting opponents:
 
The executions and Maliki's targeting of the Sunni leadership of the opposition Iraqiya bloc, using his Shiite-controlled security forces, seem intended to further his drive to establish a new dictatorship in Baghdad following the U.S. military withdrawal in December.
Leaders of Iraq's Kurdish minority, which has its own semi-autonomous enclave in the north, say they are alarmed at the direction Maliki has taken and has given sanctuary to a senior Sunni politician the government is targeting. This could inflame the swelling crisis.
The Americans, whose boast they left behind a "stable and democratic Iraq" soon proved to be perilously empty, have starkly failed to replace military influence with political and economic influence and so are powerless to smother the mushrooming violence.
The spate of executions is a gruesome indication of the way things are heading in Iraq where the Sunnis, once the backbone of Saddam Hussein's regime, are struggling against being marginalized by the majority Shiites.

 
 
Al Rafidayn reports that the corpse of Akrahm al-Daini was discovered today outside Tikrit, five days after the man and his bodyguard weTe kidnapped. The family was ordered to pay a one-million ransom but refused. The deceased was MP Nahida al-Daini's brother. MP al-Daini is a Sunni and she is also a member of Iraqiya. A woman's corpse was also discovered. As for the bodyguard, the kidnappers shot him from behind, apparently assumed he was dead and left him, according to an unnamed National Security source. The bodyguard was able to make it to the police. Was this part of the continued targeting of Sunnis or of Iraqiya or of both? Possibly. Equally true, kidnapping remains a huge money maker in Iraq and the attraction here might have simply been: Here is someone who can afford a bodyguard, here is someone whose sister serves in the Parliament, surely they have money.

In Australia, the issue of off-the-book prisons, hidden from the Red Cross and others, is in the news. Tony Eastley (AM on Australia's ABC, link is audio and text) explains, "There are claims this morning that Australia played a key role in the potentially illegal detention of Iraqi prisoners of war. The British newspaper, the Guardian, has sourced a US military document that says an Australian SAS squadron of 150 men was 'integral' to the operation of a secret facility, known as H1, in Iraq's western desert in April 2003. The revelations are the first to suggest that the Australian military was directly involved in so-called 'black sites'." Ian Cobain wrote the Guardian article ("RAF helicopter death revelation leads to secret Iraq detention camp") which reported on a 2003 secret prison and how at least one prisoner, Tanik Mahmud, died while the RAF was transferring him to the secret prison (he was apparently killed on the helicopter ride). Emily Bourke (Australia's ABC) summarizes, "The Guardian report says an SAS team manning a roadblock in Iraq's desert arrested and detained a group of 64 men during a sweep for "high-value" members of Saddam Hussein's regime. The paper says the men were listed as being detained by US personnel because a single American soldier was attached to the SAS unit manning the roadblock."

Dylan Welch (Goondiwindi Argu) observes:

The revelation has led to an Australian human rights organisation investigating such secret prisons to claim that the Australian military might have been complicit in war crimes by handing detainees over to the so-called ''black site'' known as H1.
The revelations - which the Defence Department last night denied, saying it was only ''providing security'' when the detainees were handed over - would be the first time the Australian military has been implicated in the black sites.
 
 
Today the House Veterans Subcommittee on Oversight and Investigations held a hearing on the VA's fiduciary system.   There are veterans who are unable to overseeing or manage their benefits solely by themselves so they might ask that someone be a fiduciary -- thereby putting someone in charge of overseeing the benefits.  The veteran might pick someone they know or they might ask the VA to select someone.  There are problems with the system currently.  The Subcommittee attempted to determine why that was.
 
The hearing had two panels (and many breaks due to votes on the House floor).  The first panel was the VA's Dave McLenachen (with the VA's Diana Rubin), the second panel was composed of Katrina Eagle with the Veterans Law Office of Michael Wildhaber, Veteran Fiduciary Pam Estes, attorney Doug Rosinski with the Law Office of Douglas J. Rosinski, and Vietnam Veterans of America's Rick Weidman. US House Rep Bill Johnson is the Chair of the Subcommittee.  And we'll note this exchange.
 
Chair Bill Johnson: What are the criteria for choosing a fiduciary:
 
Dave McLenachen: Mr. Chairman, the criteria for choosing a fiduciary is-is controlled by law. Congress required us when looking to see who should be a fiduciary to check a number of things: criminal history, credit and general willingness to act as a fidcuairy for a beneficiary. VA's policy, Mr. Chairman, is to always try to select the least restrictive and most effective payment for a beneficiary. To do that, the first thing that we do is look at who does the beneficiary want us to appoint? That's our first step. If we can qualify that person we will -- we will appoint that person. If that person cannot be qualified, we'll look to the person who has the care and custody of the beneficiary.  That may be a family member that lives with the beneficiary and provides care or maybe a guardian?  That's who we look to next. The next step is any other family member of person interested in performing these functions for a beneficiary. Only as a last resort, Mr. Chairman, will we look to a paid fiduciary or a court-appointed fiduciary. That is because we're looking for the least restrictive method.  And I -- And I can assure you, Mr. Chairman, that that is our policy and that  Just so there's no misunderstanding, currently only about 8% of the roughtly 120,000 beneficiaries pay a commission for fiduciary services.
 
 
Chair Bill Johnson: Okay, the CFR states that a commission is only given to a beneficiary when it is necessary to obtain his or her services. Further it states that commissions should only be used if the veterans best interests would be served by the appointment of a qualified professional or a qualified person.  What does qualified mean to the VA?
 
Dave McLenachen: To us, Mr. Chairman, qualified -- as I've described -- means that it's a person that has the interest of the beneficiary in mind, is willing to perform the service and meets the qualifications that have been prescribed by Congress for us to implement. That is what the regulations are referring to. So if it's an individual who has a criminal history or that has bad credit history or for some other reason cannot be bonded, that individual will not be appointed as a fiduciary --
 
Chair Bill Johnson: Are there -- are there any educational or other qualifications required to be classified as a qualified person?
 
Dave McLenachen: Not at this time, sir. However, one of the first things that I did when I took this job approximately five months ago was to initiate a complete review of our current regulations which Congressman [Jon] Runyan mentioned during his statement. I think there's a real need to update those regulations. We've reviewed all of those regulations and are currently revising them now. That is one issue that I would like to address in our regulations is whether there should be such requirements for fiduciaries?
 
Chair Bill Johnson:  Would it -- would it surprise you to know that we have sworn testimony that a VA fiduciary stated that she had approximately one semester of community college education while she is the appointed fiduciary for 43 veterans, as a single mother working full time. Is that -- Would that be the VA's acceptable criteria for a qualified person?
 
Dave McLenachen: Sir, I can tell you that with our current regulations, there is nothing to prohibit that fiduciary from serving in that role.
 
Chair Bill Johnson: In your opinion, would that be a qualified fiduciary?  If you're a veteran would you want -- is that who you would want to put in charge of your daily care?
 
Dave McLenachen: It may be, sir. If that's the wishes of the veteran to have that particular --
 
 
Chair Bill Johnson: No, not this wasn't the wishes of the veteran. I'm talking about the VA appointing someone who is a qualified person. The veteran has gone to the VA saying I need a fiduciary and you request a fiduciary.  Would that be your idea of a qualified person?
 
Dave McLenachen: Sir, I would like to strengthen the requirements to be a fudiciary.  So in that instance, I think that there should be some more stringent requirements.
 
 
Chair Bill Johnson: Okay. How many fiduciaries have the background checks or certifications waived?
 
Dave McLenachen: Sir, we just recently issued new guidance that affirms our responsibility to check the background --
 
Chair Bill Johnson: Does the VA waive fiduciary background checks and certifications?
 
Dave McLenachen: It's not my knowledge that we do. Uh, the guidance out there now is to check background in every fiduciary --
 
Chair Bill Johnson: I hope you're going to stay around for all of the testimony today then.
 
As Johnson noted in the hearing, ten veterans saw their fiduciary walk away with $900,000 of their money.  4% is supposed to be the largest amount the fiduciary can take of the veterans annual benefits.  However, the Subcommittee was already aware of fiduciaries taking more than 4%.  As the exchange above made clear, there appears to be a lack of serious oversight.  The House Veterans Disability Subcommittee has also been examining this issue and a number of them sat in on the hearing.  The Ranking Member on that Subcommittee is Jerry Mcnerny and he noted the lack of "oversight and accountability."  He noted a 2010 field hearing where family members serving as fiduciaries were actually experiencing more government oversight than were strangers the VA picked to serve as fiduciaries.  (One of the most public cases in the news during the current wars was of a family -- parents -- who used their disabled war veteran son's VA benefit checks to buy themselves a new truck, to go gambling and much more.  I'm not implying that family members don't need oversight nor was Mcnerny implying that.  He was noting that hand picked choices by the veterans, people who had the veterans trust, were getting more oversight than these people who are professional fiduciaries -- meaning they are primarly being fiduciaries for strangers due to the pay.) Mcnerny noted that most fiduciaries are doing an outstanding job.  Rubens agreed noting that 90% of the fiduciaries are taking care of only one veteran.
 
Still on veterans issues,   Senator Patty Murray is the Chair of the Senate Veterans Affairs Commitee and her office notes the following:      
 
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 2012
Contact: Murray Press Office
(202) 224-2834
 
VETERANS: Senator Murray Participates in Virtual Town Hall Meeting hosted by Disabled American Veterans
 
Murray fielded questions, concerns, and suggestions from veterans, members of the military, and their family members across the country.                                                                                             
 
View full transcript of the Disabled American Veterans' Virtual Town Hall HERE.
(Washington, D.C.) -- Today, U.S. Senator Patty Murray, Chairman of the Senate Veterans' Affairs Committee, had the opportunity to chat one-on-one with veterans across the country in a Virtual Town Hall Meeting, organized by Disabled American Veterans, a non-profit charity dedicated to building better lives for America's disabled veterans and their families.  In the hour-long chat, Senator Murray discussed a wide range of issues including mental health care, VA claims wait times, women veterans, and veteran jobs. Over 3,000 veterans, members of the military and family members participated in the chat. Senator Murray will use the struggles, stories, and suggestions she heard today to continue to fight for veterans in Washington, D.C.
###
 
 
 
On this week's. Black Agenda Radio, hosted by Glen Ford and Nellie Bailey, (airs each Monday at 4:00 pm EST on the Progressive Radio Network), featured an interview with journalist Ralph Poynter, husband of the people's attorney, political prisoner Lynne Stewart.  Excerpt.
 
Glen Ford: On the last day of Feburary, a court will hear the appeal of movement lawyer Lynne Stewart imprisoned for 10 years on charges of supporting terrorism. Stewart was the attorney for Omar Abdul Rahman the so-called "blind Sheikh" charged with the 1993 bombing of the World Trade Center.  Attorney Stewart is in federal prison in Fort Worth, Texas. She was first sentenced to only two-and-a-half years but then the courts decided to pile on some more years. Her husband and co-activist Ralph Poynter explains.
 
Ralph Poynter:  This is an appeal of the re-sentencing Lynne received. She received a sentence of two-and-a-half years.  28 to 30 months.  Then, when she was appealing, when she was free on her appeal, they called her back for a re-sentencing because a government appeal to the 2nd Circuit of a sentence 'too light' was taken up and two of the three judges agreed that the sentence was 'too light.'  And besides Lynne Stewart continued "traveling around the country at the law schools and universities corrupting our youth."  These are the words of the judges of the 2nd Circuit.
 
Glen Ford: In other words, her sentence was increased -- five times -- to ten years based upon her speech?
 
Ralph Poynter:  Based upon her speech and they said it: "traveling around the country at law schools and universities corrupting our youth." Now Lynne Stewart said that the treatment of Sheikh Omar Abdul Rahman was racist and government funded and that there was no terror plot, that the government had done it.  And it was all done by an Egyptian double agent, Emad Salem, who was hired by the Egyptian government and the American FBI --or  CIA -- and so she had him on the witness stand and she caught him lying 32 times.  And it got to the point where he just said, "Well I guess, Miss Stewart, I mis-stated, I lied," and put his head down.  The jury heard that and yet they convicted Sheikh Omar Abdul Rahman.
 
Glen Ford:  So when Lynne went to these universities and law schools, she was not just exercising her own freedom of speech to say whatever she said, but also she was speaking on behalf of her client as a lawyer?
 
Ralph Poynter: Yes, the blind Sheikh, on his appeals, and his right for the First Amendment. And she answered all questions and she gave these law students a history lesson on racism in America.  And she would use her own experiences -- experiences the people of the sixties, the activists, because remember Lynne Stewart was a teacher and an activist, she was a Christian Dutch Reform and honor student.  And when she came to New York City as a 23-year-old who was born not five miles from Harlem, she didn't know it existed.  So she said, "This is American miseducation. Not only do they not treat the Black children to read, write and count, they don't teach White children what America is and I'm the example." And you could imagine what effect that had on the students. So no wonder we are where we are: Islamophobia. And then she went into law, what law is about, understanding the Bill of Rights and what a lawyer's job is and how it came to this formulation.  And one of the things that Lynne and I have an argument about, she says that with all of the warts and flaws in the new US justice system, she thinks it's the best model. But it will only be that if the lawyers play their proper role of being the person between the government and the accused and explaining that that is what protects all of us -- a vigorous defense by attorneys -- and if one person doesn't have that defense, none of us do.
 
Glen Ford: So when Lynne is talking to university students and law students about her principles and explaining her actions and what she thinks it means to be a citizen and a lawyer she is then faced with this massive retribution -- an increase of five times her sentence -- and in her appeal she's calling that substantial unreasonableness in terms of legalese.
 
Ralph Poynter: And this is what the appeal is.  Now, before you can appeal your basic sentence, you know, her basic guilt -- she was found guilty in the federal court of terrorism, supporting terrorism, she has to go through the Second Circuit so this is a double.  She's opposing the unreasonableness and the unfairness and the illegal upping of her sentence before she can before the Supreme Court on her original trial, the trial of being found guilty of supporting terrorism.  Now the question is: How are they going to defend this?  My answer to that is: If there were law in the first place, Lynne would never be in jail.  And one of the first speeches that she made, they were holding a conference in California on the coming of the police state and Lynne was the speaker and  she said, "The coming of the police state?  The police state has always been here for certain members of our nation and now it's coming to White people and I'm the evidence."  And it was standing ovation.  The police state has always been here, the people didn't recognize it because it was against us [persons of color -- Ralph Poynter is African-American].
 
Glen Ford:  And that statement was one of those -- and reports on that statement in the press was one of those factors in the judge multiplying her sentence by five?
 
Ralph Poynter: You got that 100% right.
 
Glen Ford: And thus verifying that the police state had arrived.
 
Ralph Poynter: And as I said to Lynne, you have to understand, we just got out of COINTELPRO, they listened to everything.  She felt that one of the most embarrassing things of the left was allowing our defenders of the community to lay in jail all of these years.
 
Lynne's appeal takes place at the end of this month.  She notes:
 
The same group of 3 Judges that heard and decided the original appeal will also hear the arguments on the 29th. The government is not asking for more time; they are satisfied with their pound of flesh but it is not likely that this Court will take any action that will help me. The times are askew for prisoners and their lawsuits.
The lawyers that argued in July of 2010 will be on board with the addition of Herald Price Fahringer, an eminent attorney in the First Amendment field (the win in the Larry Flynt Hustler case in the US Supreme Court was his. He was also in the line of fire (no injuries) when the shooting took place.) He will enthusiastically present our case. I will not be present -- not unusual once imprisoned.  But my spirit will be there to inspire !!!
Of course, my case has always been government firing  warning shots  to Lawyers, that a vigorous defense, of certain clients, if not conforming to government specifications,  will be punished severely .  This chill effect in these days that we are confronted with Grand Jury investigations and dismantling of Occupations is not something we should contemplate with anything less than alarm.  I have just finished David Gilbert's book (Love Struggle) and the intercession of lawyers when there are arrests of designated enemies of the "state" are the only  meaningful protection available.
A Large Outpouring of Support in Foley Square and Tom Paine Park and in the Courtroom will signal to these arbiters of "Justice" that attention must be paid, the 99% are watching them with suspicion and tallying up the roads not taken.
 
 

Iraq claims two military officers are spying for the US

Al Rafidayn reports that the corpse of Akrahm al-Daini was discovered today outside Tikrit, five days after the man and his bodyguard weTe kidnapped. The family was ordered to pay a one-million ransom but refused. The deceased was MP Nahida al-Daini's brother. MP al-Daini is a Sunni and she is also a member of Iraqiya. A woman's corpse was also discovered. As for the bodyguard, the kidnappers shot him from behind, apparently assumed he was dead and left him, according to an unnamed National Security source. The bodyguard was able to make it to the police. Was this part of the continued targeting of Sunnis or of Iraqiya or of both? Possibly. Equally true, kidnapping remains a huge money maker in Iraq and the attraction here might have simply been: Here is someone who can afford a bodyguard, here is someone whose sister serves in the Parliament, surely they have money.

Meanwhile Al Mada reports that the CIA's mission in Iraq (and Greg Miller's Washington Post article) was discussed by the Parliament's Commission on Security and Defense. The discussion noted that the US is still in control of Iraqi air "under the pretext" of protecting their diplomatic mission. The Commission also discussed two officers in the Iraqi forces who are said to be paid spies/informants for the US government and supply information for the monthly salary they receive. The two Iraqis, who are not named, are the subject of an ongoing investigation and are expected to be charged at the end of the investigation.

Two other Iraqis, two young males, took their own lives. Aswat al-Iraq reports they died in Amara as part of a joint-suicide and that it was over "a family feud." For others, today is a day of celebration. Dar Addustour notes a festival taking place, a Festival of the Sadrist Movement, to celebrate the departure of so many US forces. Salam Faraj (AFP) explains this latest celebration resulted in "tens of thousands" attending the ceremonies in Sadr City and quotes Moqtada al-Sadr from his pre-recorded number, "The armies of resistance terrified the occupiers, so they left after they lost. [. . .] The occupying forces were working for strife and destruction and to destabilize security. The occupier is not the one who can bring peace and safety to Iraq, but rather you, and only you."


We'll close with the US State Dept's "Rightsizing U.S. Mission Iraq" and note Steven Lee Myers' questions for Nides:


MS. NULAND: Thank you, Operator, and thanks to all of you for joining us. We are pleased today to have with us Deputy Secretary of State Tom Nides to talk on the record about a review that he is conducting for the Secretary on rightsizing the U.S. mission in Iraq.

Let me, without further ado, turn it over to the Deputy, and then we’ll take about three or four questions. Unfortunately, his time is a little compressed. Go ahead, Mr. Deputy Secretary.

DEPUTY SECRETARY NIDES: Hi. Thank you all very much. I just wanted to touch on a couple of facts as it regards to Iraq and what we’re planning to do and what we planned to do when we started the mission. As you know, we had the largest transition since the Marshall Plan taking place as of January 1st, and I think many folks thought that it was a difficult mission set and we – I think arguably – could suggest we’ve had a very successful mission.

We – the military is now gone. We have a robust diplomatic presence. We have a diplomatic presence both in up north and down south and in Baghdad. We have been fully and completely engaged on the – all of the political aspects, which you all have been covering quite clearly. And Jim Jeffrey, in particular, I want to give enormous credit to of being fully engaged at all levels of the Iraqi political situation. We have stood up a robust police-training program, which is doing a terrific job working with the local police in training and developing a program, which I think will pay enormous dividends, too. We’re working on economic development, because as you know, they’re producing almost a million two barrels a day out of Basrah. And we’re working with the IO community to make sure that that, as well as all the other economic development all over the country – we have economic officers accomplishing that.

We have, the probably the most sophisticated OSC-I site, which we’re working with – or OSC-I sites – which we’re working with the military. As you know, the Iraqis have been purchasing tens of millions of dollars of equipment from us, and they will be continuing to do that. We’re training the Iraqis on that equipment, and that is U.S. equipment which they’re purchasing.

And as I’ve pointed out at the beginning is, we’re fully and completely engaged on the political deployment. And with that – knock on wood – we’re doing this, with the first and foremost, the security of our people. It’s certainly still a complicated situation there, but to the credit of our security and our diplomats and our locally engaged employees – knock on wood – we’re doing a better than fine job at accomplishing the goals that we set out.

That said, when we put this mission set up, it was very clear to us that we were going to make sure that over time – and what I mean by over time meaning over this year – we begin to try to right size the Embassy to look at – like so – there’s never such a thing as a normal embassy, but a more normalized embassy presence. And principally, our goal has been to shift our reliance on contractors to basically hiring local Iraqis. This is what the Iraqis want, and quite frankly, that’s what we want because it’s cheaper, it’s more important to be part of the community. And so first and foremost, our goal has always been to, over this year, is to shift more and more of our purchasing, and quite frankly, just our whole operations more to local – locally hired individuals. So that is our first priority, with the understanding that our main priority is making sure our people are secure.

So number one, we’re going to be looking at how we can do that over the next year. We’ll continue to look at our footprint, which is something we’ll always do. And we’re meeting with folks on a daily basis, along with my colleague Pat Kennedy and his team, to make sure that our footprint is appropriate for the period of time as we proceed. We’ll be looking at the – as we look at the programs that we’re offering, most of the programs that we’re offering will continue to be offered. But we’ll continue to look at how we can hire like we do in many countries around the world, that we hire Iraqis to help us with the programs that we’re executing. So I am – we’re doing exactly what we said we were going to do when we set up this mission set, which is we’re going to constantly continue to look to ways to shift more of the cost structure to

locally, which is going to be, obviously, substantially cheaper for us, but most importantly, to continue evaluating it as this mission set is accomplished and is being accomplished.

So I am – feel quite good about where we are. I will tell you, contrary to some of the news reports, we are not reducing our operations by 50 percent. But I will hope – quite frankly, I am hopeful that over the next few months that we’ll be able to reduce our size by, again, reducing the dependency on contractors, by focusing on the things that we said we were going to focus on. But that is – quite frankly, I think we owe it to our – the taxpayers. We owe it to the men and women who are working there. We owe it to all the men and women who have spent time there. And quite frankly, that’s what a good bilateral relationship will do.

So I am quite pleased as we are proceeding here, and I think we’ll have more opportunity in the next few weeks to continue to brief you about how our planning is going. But I should tell you, it’s going to be a process that we’ll go through over the next few months about how we do this plan and continue to do the planning in Iraq.

So why don’t I pause and take a couple questions.

MS. NULAND: Thanks, Operator. We’re ready to go to questions.

OPERATOR: Thank you. And at this time, if you do have questions, please press * followed by 1 on your touchtone phone. If you would like to remove your question, that is *2. Again, *1 for any questions or comments. One moment for that, please.

I am currently showing no questions. Again, that is *1 on your touchtone phone for any questions or comments.

DEPUTY SECRETARY NIDES: Boy, I must have been really good.

OPERATOR: I do have a question from Karen DeYoung. Ma’am.

QUESTION: Hi, Tom.

DEPUTY SECRETARY NIDES: Hi.

QUESTION: You said it won’t be 50 percent, but have you come up with any sense of what it would be? And do you see Iraqis actually taking over security functions, whether static or movement security or any kind of security?

DEPUTY SECRETARY NIDES: I would – to be honest with you, I don’t know where the 50 percent number came from. But I am – it is what it is. But I think that the – I don’t know what the number is. What I – here’s the direction I gave people, okay? We made a commitment to try to reduce the dependency on contractors. There’s been a lot of press written about how many contractors we had. Much of that is security, but its food service, right? If I can get food purchasing – more food purchasing done in Iraq and not have to bring it in, that will dramatically decrease our dependency on contractors to do food service. And that goes through a lot of the service that we are providing now.

So my view of this is we will also look aggressively on perimeter security and how we manage that. But I should be honest with you, Karen. My – the only thing I worry about – the only thing I worry about is the security of our people. Okay? We have a diplomatic mission. We owe it to make sure that we fulfill the diplomatic mission that we set out to do when we made this transition. But the most important thing to do is to make sure that we are making sure that we have – our people are secure. And so I – as much as I would love to reduce – continue to reduce the numbers of people and the cost, I will not sacrifice the security of our people.

That said, I think as we go through this year, we’re going to see many, many opportunities to allow us to have a – the footprint that we can accomplish the goals around economic development and the OSC-I and the police training, the political engagement, with hopefully some fewer people and then also a lesser dependency on the contractors, which I think we all want to do. And we’ll do that. And it will take – it’s going to take time.

And what we’re not going to do is make kind of knee-jerk decisions. This has to be – there was several years of planning goes into these as the Embassy was stood up, and we will be very thoughtful as we begin moving – transitioning this is into a more – what I refer to as a normal-looking embassy. But that will take time, and so we’re going to be doing this very thoughtfully, and in consultation with the Congress, I mind you. I will have many conversations with the Congress, which we’re doing. And they get it. I mean, they totally understand what we’re trying to do.

MS. NULAND: Operator, next question.

OPERATOR: Thank you. Our next question comes from Steven Myers of The New York Times. Your line is open.

QUESTION: Hi, Tom and Victoria.

DEPUTY SECRETARY NIDES: Hey, buddy.

QUESTION: The – two questions, which are related: Why is this review happening now as opposed to over the last year when you knew this was coming? Even on the question of buying local food, for example, that could have been done years ago, but it wasn’t. And now you’re looking at it, so I wonder why.

DEPUTY SECRETARY NIDES: Well, I mean --

QUESTION: If I can just ask my second, because it’s related: The Iraqis have put up a lot of obstacles, some small but some rather significant, on movements, on visas. They’ve complained about the size of the security footprint. How much of the Iraqi obstructionism is causing you to rethink the number of people that you have there as well?

DEPUTY SECRETARY NIDES: Okay. Well, let me answer the first question. The first one’s a good question. I mean – and I should say let’s just step back and remind us where we were, okay? A year ago, we had almost 40-50,000 American troops there, okay? The military was the – was predominately the way we got around. It was certainly a major part of our presence, if not the greater preponderance of our presence, and all of our – much of our diplomatic presence was dependent upon everything from how we were fed and our medical care and all those activities, right?

So as we made the largest transition – again, I hate to use this line, but I’ll use it anyways again – since the Marshall Plan, our decision was – which was rightly so – is that we’re going to have to stand this mission set up. Because remember, we set a hard deadline to have those troops gone. So we knew that – starting January 1st – that we were going to have to have a mission set up to basically allow us to do exactly what our mission was, which is the diplomacy, the political engagement, the police training. And so our goal was – at that point was to make sure we had a mission that’s set up.

We always said – if you go and talk to Senator Leahy or you talk to Kay Granger, I was very clear that this was going to be – we’re going to do this in stages. You and I had this conversation. We were going to basically have a glide path, which was we would do – like on police training, our original police training program had us this year – our original plan was to do a billion dollar police training, and we started the plan – the training with a half a billion dollar program, because we want to see how these programs work. And as I said to everyone on the Hill, we are going to stand this mission set up because it’s critically important as we get those – we get the military out that we have a very strong diplomatic presence and we don’t have any gaps between the military and our diplomatic presence.

But that said, I – we have been totally upfront and straight about this, that over time we want to have a more normalized embassy, and that will mean making a decision over time about contractors, the numbers of contractors, the size of some of our mission sets, without losing sight of our core mission, which is, number one, political engagement, economic development, kind of the – and then this – and then the OSC-I piece of this, which is very, very important as they purchase U.S. equipment.

So I – again, I’m – one thing about what we have said and certainly what I’ve said and I think our team has said is we were very clear with everyone what we were planning to do and how we will execute this over. And this is not going to happen overnight. I mean, we’re not going to have – tomorrow, we’re not going to be able to sit here and say okay, X numbers of – hundreds of thousands of people have departed. We’re going to be doing this over a period of time as we think about how this mission set should look like, and quite frankly, as we procure more goods and as we operate more.

Now, on your second question, I – we’ve had an unbelievable cooperation from the Iraqis, okay? Listen, is it always perfect? No. I’m sure it’s not always perfect. It’s not always perfect. And I’m sure they don’t think we’re always perfect. But the reality is, is they’ve given us the visas that we’ve needed. It hasn’t been always smooth, but we’ve been given the visas. We’ve set up an operation in Iraq which allows our diplomats to be safe, allows us to do political engagement, it allows us to have an OSC-I site that are training people on military equipment which they’re purchasing from us.

So I’d have to say, as cynical as all of us are – and I think most of us are pretty cynical – pretty darn good, I mean, if you ask us come January 30 – January or February 6th where we are today. So I think you all would be questioning us if you weren’t asking us a question, “Well, what are you guys going to do over the long term? What is your long-term view of how big your footprint should be? How much should you be relying up on local contractors?” So we’re asking the tough questions. We’re going to continue asking the tough questions. And we’re going to, over time, allow ourselves to have this Embassy look like – more like a normal embassy, but it will take time without compromising our core missions.

MS. NULAND: And for those of you who aren’t wonked up on Iraq, Office of Security Cooperation is what OSC-I is.

We have time for one last question, Operator. Thank you.

OPERATOR: Thank you. And I have a question from Matthew Lee from the Associated Press. Your line is open.

QUESTION: Yeah. Hi.

DEPUTY SECRETARY NIDES: Hi.

QUESTION: Thanks. You say that you’ve been very clear about this with everybody, but apparently not, because that’s why this 50 percent number is floating around – I presume – that’s floating around in Baghdad. And whether or not it’s true or not, I’m wondering if it isn’t, in fact, the case if you are simply getting rid of the expensive contractors and replacing them with local contractors. While I see a reduction in cost, I don’t see a net reduction in contractors.

DEPUTY SECRETARY NIDES: Oh, well that – yeah. Listen, we’re not there to make – I mean, listen. We will go – we’ll go contractor by contractor, we’ll try to figure out over time what goods we can purchase locally in which we will not rely upon goods that are coming in over the border.

But I think the more – which – and I certainly appreciate the question – I think you also should recognize the fact we were spending last year almost $50 billion through DOD, and we’re now spending approximately $5.5 billion or – I mean, correct my numbers, but in that ballpark, right? For the taxpayers, okay, they’ve had a very positive gain. Okay? That said, I think most of us would agree that the – if you look at what’s happened in Iraq over the last month and a half, our political engagement there has been at the top end of the scale. The engagement of Jim Jeffrey and Hillary Clinton and Joe Biden and Barack – President Obama and all the players have been very strong and has been really done by the strength of our diplomatic presence there.

But listen, I think the reality is, as I said at the onset, my hope is that as we go through this next year, I’ll be having conversations which you’ll say, listen, we had X thousands of contractors. We have Y now because we are procuring more of our goods in Iraq, or we have concluded that we – the footprint that we currently have, we can have a smaller footprint. We don’t need as big a footprint. So consequently, we don’t need as many, quote, “static guards.” I mean, that’s what every good operation does. We should be – you – people should be pushing us all the time to continue to evaluate over the next couple years, which we will be doing.

Our goal has been, quite frankly, upfront, which is we will continue to look at this – the mission set to make sure that we do not compromise on our core responsibilities, which is, number one, the security of our people. So regardless of what the size is, we are going to make sure that the people there – our diplomats and our – and the people that we have hired there are secure, number one, and two, that the ability for us to be involved in the political engagement of Iraq is at the highest possible level because there’s – clearly, as you all know, there’s – this is as important a diplomatic mission that we have anywhere in the world. The stakes are high, and we plan to be engaged. So --

QUESTION: I understand that, but what I’m getting at is that barring – or unless – until there is development, until the circumstances allow for a dramatic reduction in, say, security guards, the security footprint, if you are just getting rid of the expensive contractors and hiring local people at less cost, isn’t it possible that there won’t be that significant a reduction in the number of personnel at all, at least until we get to the point where there doesn’t have to be that many – where there doesn’t --

DEPUTY SECRETARY NIDES: I mean, Matt, my – the way I’d answer the question is: I mean, having spent a lot of time in the business world as well, so I guess I’m somewhat uniquely qualified since I’ve had – I’ve done this a few times – there’s a variety of ways to do this, right? One is, obviously, the numbers of people that are working on different programs. And again, I go back to this notion that we want to make sure we have enough people to do the programs that we believe are critically important. The second way to make sure that you are smart about it is the numbers of locations you have, right? The amount of space you have, because obviously, the number of, quote, “security guards” you’re talking about is a total derivative of how many square feet we have, right? I mean, how many locations you have, because you have to obviously protect the perimeters of those.

So as we proceed over the next year, and as we look at our mission set and look at what we’re trying to achieve on the diplomatic side, my hope is, is that we’ll conclude over – in the period of time that we can consolidate some of the locations and space, and that will allow us to rely more upon local Iraqi contractors. But the most important thing is what we’re going to do is we’re going to be studying it, we’re working on it, we’re going to work very closely with our staff at our – in Baghdad and around the country, and we’re going to work with the Iraqis. They – we are a team working closely with them as we look at this diplomatic mission now and into the future.

So guys, I’ve got to run. But thank you all. And if I can be of any other help, I’m sure you’ll let us know.

MS. NULAND: Thank you all very much for joining us.



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